Geography

The_New_Jim_Crow00002

NotesIntroduction1 .Jarvious Cotton was a plaintiff in Cotton v. Fordice, 157 F.3d 388 (5th Cir. 1998), which held that Mississippi’s felon disenfranchisement provision had lost its racially discriminatory taint. The information regarding Cotton’s family tree was obtained by Emily Bolton on March 29, 1999, when she interviewed Cotton at Mississippi State Prison. Jarvious Cotton was released on parole in Mississippi, a state that denies voting rights to parolees.2 .The New York Times made the national media’s first specific reference to crack in a story published in late 1985. Crack became known in a few impoverished neighborhoods in Los Angeles, New York, and Miami in early 1986. See Craig Reinarman and Harry Levine, “The Crack Attack: America’s Latest Drug Scare, 1986–1992,” in Images of Issues: Typifying Contemporary Social Problems (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1995), 152.3 .The Reagan administration’s decision to publicize crack “horror stories” is discussed in more depth in chapter 1.4 .Clarence Page, “‘The Plan’: A Paranoid View of Black Problems,” Dover (Delaware) Herald, Feb. 23, 1990. See also Manning Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945–1990(Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), 212–13.5 .See Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair, Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs, and the Press (New York: Verso, 1999). See also Nick Shou, “The Truth in ‘Dark Alliance,’” Los Angeles Times, Aug. 18, 2006; Peter Kornbluh, “CIA’s Challenge in South Central,” Los Angeles Times (Washington edition), Nov. 15, 1996; and Alexander Cockburn, “Why They Hated Gary Webb,” The Nation, Dec. 16, 2004.2646 .Katherine Beckett and Theodore Sasson, The Politics of Injustice: Crime and Punishment in America, (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2004), 163.7 .Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, rev. ed. (New York: The New Press, 2006), 33.8 .PEW Center on the States, One in 100: Behind Bars in America 2008 (Washington, DC: PEW Charitable Trusts, 2008), 5.9 .Donald Braman, Doing Time on the Outside: Incarceration and Family Life in Urban America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), 3, citing D.C. Department of Corrections data for 2000.10 .See, e.g., U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Summary of Findings from the 2000 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, NHSDA series H-13, DHHS pub. no. SMA 01-3549 (Rockville, MD: 2001), reporting that 6.4 percent of whites, 6.4 percent of blacks, and 5.3 percent of Hispanics were current users of illegal drugs in 2000; Results from the 2002 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings, NHSDA series H-22, DHHS pub. no. SMA 03-3836 (2003), revealing nearly identical rates of illegal drug use among whites and blacks, only a single percentage point between them; and Results from the 2007 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings, NSDUH series H-34, DHHS pub. no. SMA 08-4343 (2007), showing essentially the same finding. See also Marc Mauer and Ryan S. King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The “War on Drugs” and Its Impact on American Society (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2007), 19, citing a study suggesting that African Americans have slightly higher rates of illegal drug use than whites.11 .See, e.g., Howard N. Snyder and Melissa Sickman, Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 2006 National Report, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2006), reporting that white youth are more likely than black youth to engage in illegal drug sales. See also Lloyd D. Johnson, Patrick M. O’Malley, Jerald G. Bachman, and John E. Schulenberg, Monitoring the Future, National Survey Results on Drug Use, 1975–2006,vol. 1, Secondary School Students, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institute on Drug Abuse, NIH pub. no. 07-6205 (Bethesda, MD: 2007), 32, “African American 12th graders have consistently shown lower usage rates than White 12th graders for most drugs, both licit and illicit”; and Lloyd D. Johnston, Patrick M. O’Malley, and Jerald G. Bachman, Monitoring the Future: National Results on Adolescent Drug Use: Overview of Key Findings 2002, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institute on Drug Abuse, NIH pub. no. 03-5374 (Bethesda, MD: 2003), presenting data showing that African American adolescents have slightly lower rates of illicit drug use than their white counterparts.12 .Human Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs, HRW Reports, vol. 12, no. 2 (New York, 2000).13 .See, e.g., Paul Street, The Vicious Circle: Race, Prison, Jobs, and Community in Chicago, Illinois, and the Nation (Chicago: Chicago Urban League, Department of Research and Planning, 2002).26514 .Michael Tonry, Thinking About Crime: Sense and Sensibility in American Penal Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 14.15 .Ibid.16 .Ibid., 20.17 .National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals, Task Force Report on Corrections (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1973), 358.18 .Ibid., 597.19 .Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, 17–18.20 .The estimate that one in three black men will go to prison during their lifetime is drawn from Thomas P. Boncszar, “Prevalence of Imprisonment in the U.S. Population, 1974–2001,” U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, August 2003. In Baltimore, like many large urban areas, the majority of young African American men are currently under correctional supervision. See Eric Lotke and Jason Ziedenberg, “Tipping Point: Maryland’s Overuse of Incarceration and the Impact on Community Safety,” Justice Policy Institute, March 2005, 3.1. The Rebirth of Caste1 .Reva Siegel, “Why Equal Protection No Longer Protects: The Evolving Forms of Status-Enforcing Action,” Stanford Law Review 49 (1997): 1111; see also Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s (New York: Routledge, 1996), 84–91.2 .Loïc Wacquant, “America’s New ‘Peculiar Institution’: On the Prison as Surrogate Ghetto,” Theoretical Criminology 4, no. 3 (2000): 380.3 .Lerone Bennett Jr., The Shaping of Black America(Chicago: Johnson, 1975), 62.4 .For an excellent analysis of the development of race as a social construct in the United States and around the globe, see Howard Winant, The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy Since World War II (New York: Basic Books, 2001).5 .Bennett, Shaping of Black America, 62.6 .Keith Kilty and Eric Swank, “Institutional Racism and Media Representations: Depictions of Violent Criminals and Welfare Recipients,” Sociological Imagination 34, no. 2–3 (1997): 106.7 .Edmund Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: Norton, 1975).8 .Ibid.; see also Leslie Carr, Color-blind Racism(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1997), 14–16.9 .Gerald Fresia, Toward an American Revolution: Exposing the Constitution and Other Illusions (Boston: South End Press, 1998), 55.10 .Wacquant, “America’s New ‘Peculiar Institution,’” 380.11 .C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow(1955; reprint, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).26612. William Cohen, At Freedom’s Edge: Black Mobility and the Southern White Quest for Racial Control (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991), 28.13 .Ibid., 33.14 .W.E.B. Du Bois, “Reconstruction and Its Benefits,” American Historical Review 15, no. 4 (1910): 784.15 .James McPherson, “Comparing the Two Reconstructions,” Princeton Alumni Weekly, Feb. 26, 1979, 17.16 .See Michael Klarman, From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 49, 52–53.17 .John Hope Franklin and Alfred A. Moss, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans, 8th ed. (New York: Knopf, 2000), 82; and Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877(New York: Harper & Row, 1988), 425.18 .Douglas Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name: The Re-enslavement of Black People in America from the Civil War to World War II(New York: Doubleday, 2008).19 .Ruffin v. Commonwealth, 62 Va. 790, 796 (1871).20 .David M. Oshinsky, Worse Than Slavery: Parchman Farm and the Ordeal of Jim Crow Justice (New York: Free Press Paperbacks, 1996), 63.21 .See Douglas Blackmon, “A Different Kind of Slavery,” Wall Street Journal Online, Mar. 29, 2008.22 .Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, 45–64.23 .Ibid., 61.24 .Tom Watson, “The Negro Question in the South,” cited in Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House, 1967).25 .Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, 64.26 .William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and Changing American Institutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 54.27 .Woodward, Strange Career of Jim Crow, 80.28 .Ibid., 81.29 .Ibid., 7.30 .Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944).31 .Manning Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945–1990 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), 44; see also Michael Klarman, “Brown, Racial Change, and the Civil Rights Movement,” Virginia Law Review 80 (1994): 7, 9.32 .Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion, 69.33 .Stephen F. Lawson, Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South, 1944–1969(New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 300, 321, 329, 331.26734 .Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon, 1977), 269.35 .John Donovan, The Politics of Poverty(Indianapolis: Pegasus, 1973), 23.36 .Gerald McKnight, The Last Crusade: Martin Luther King, Jr., the FBI, and the Poor People’s Campaign (New York: Westview Press, 1998), 21–22.37 .Richard Nixon, “If Mob Rule Takes Hold in U.S.,” U.S. News and World Report, Aug. 15, 1966, 64.38 .U.S. House, “Northern Congressmen Want Civil Rights but Their Constituents Do Not Want Negroes,” Congressional Record, 86th Cong., 2d sess. (1960) 106, pt. 4: 5062–63.39 .Katherine Beckett, Making Crime Pay: Law and Order in Contemporary American Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 32; Marc Mauer, “Two-Tiered Justice: Race, Class and Crime Policy,” in The Integration Debate: Competing Futures for American Cities, ed. Chester Hartman and Gregory Squires (New York: Routledge, 2005), 171.40 .Vesla M. Weaver, “Frontlash: Race and the Development of Punitive Crime Policy,” Studies in American Political Development 21 (Fall 2007): 242.41 .Barry Goldwater, “Peace Through Strength,” in Vital Speeches of the Day, vol. 30 (New York: City News, 1964), 744.42 .”Poverty: Phony Excuse for Riots? Yes, Says a Key Senator,” U.S. News and World Report, July 31, 1967, 14.43 .See Vanessa Barker, The Politics of Imprisonment: How the Democratic Process Shapes the Way America Punishes Offenders (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 151.44 .Joel Rosch, “Crime as an Issue in American Politics,” in The Politics of Crime and Criminal Justice (Beverley Hills: Sage Publications, 1985).45 .Beckett, Making Crime Pay, 32.46 .Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate (New York: The New Press, 1999), 52.47 .Weaver, “Frontlash,” 262.48 .Ibid.49 .Klarman, From Jim Crow to Civil Rights, 110.50 .See, e.g., Patrick Buchanan, The New Majority: President Nixon at Mid-Passage (Philadelphia: Girard Bank, 1973).51 .Willard M. Oliver, The Law & Order Presidency(Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2003), 127–28, citing Dan Baum, Smoke and Mirrors: The War on Drugs and the Politics of Failure (Boston: Little, Brown, 1996), 13; H.R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1994), 53 (emphasis in original).52 .John Ehrlichman, Witness to Power: The Nixon Years(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1970), 233.53 .Ibid.54 .See Kevin Phillips, The Emerging Republican Majority(New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House, 1969).26855 .Warren Weaver, “The Emerging Republican Majority,” New York Times, Sept. 21, 1969.56 .Beckett, Making Crime Pay, 34.57 .Lyndon Johnson, “Remarks on the City Hall Steps, Dayton, Ohio,” in Public Papers of the Presidents 1963–64, vol. 2 (1965), 1371.58 .Thomas Byrne Edsall and Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton, 1992), 12–13.59 .Ibid., 38.60 .Ibid., 74.61 .Weaver, “Frontlash,” 259.62 .See Philip A. Klinker and Rogers M. Smith, The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 292.63 .Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 4.64 .Ibid., 138; see also Jeremy Mayer, Running on Race(New York: Random House, 2002), 71.65 .Ibid.66 .Bob Herbert, “Righting Reagan’s Wrongs?” New York Times, Nov. 13, 2007; see also Paul Krugman, “Republicans and Race,” New York Times, Nov. 19, 2007.67 .Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 148, quoting New York Times, Feb. 15, 1976.68 .Ibid., quoting Washington Post, Jan. 28, 1976.69 .Dick Kirschten, “Jungle Warfare,” National Journal, Oct. 3, 1981.70 .Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 164.71 .Beckett, Making Crime Pay, 47.72 .Ibid., 56; see also Julian Roberts, “Public Opinion, Crime and Criminal Justice,” in Crime and Justice: A Review of Research, vol. 16, ed. Michael Tonry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).73 .Beckett, Making Crime Pay, 53, citing Executive Office of the President, Budget of the U.S. Government (1990).74 .Ibid., citing U.S. Office of the National Drug Control Policy, National Drug Control Strategy (1992).75 .Ibid.76 .Ibid., 56.77 .See William Julius Wilson, When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor (New York: Vintage, 1997).78 .Ibid., 31 (citing John Kasarda, “Urban Industrial Transition and the Underclass,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 501, no. 1 (1990): 26–47.79 .Ibid., 30 (citing data from the Chicago Urban Poverty and Family Life Survey conducted in 1987 and 1988).80 .Ibid., 39.26981 .Ibid., 27.82 .David M. Kennedy, Don’t Shoot: One Man, a Street Fellowship, and the End of Violence in Inner-City America (New York: Bloomsbury, 2011), 10.83 .Ernesto Benavides, “Portugal Drug Law Show Results Ten Years On, Experts Say,” AFP, July 1, 2010 (reporting that those who use hard drugs fell by half following decriminalization, along with a “spectacular” drop in HIV infections and a significant drop in drug-related crime), available at news.yahoo.com/portugal-drug-law-show-results-ten-years-experts-180013798.html; Barry Hatton and Martha Mendoza, “Portugal’s Drug Policy Pays Off; US Eyes Lessons,” Associated Press, Dec. 26, 2010; Glenn Greenwald, Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2009), www.cato.org/pubs/wtpapers/greenwald_whitepaper.pdf.84 .Robert Stutman, Dead on Delivery: Inside the Drug Wars, Straight from the Street (New York: Warner Books, 1992), 142.85 .See Craig Reinarman and Harry Levine, “The Crack Attack: America’s Latest Drug Scare, 1986–1992,” in Images of Issues: Typifying Contemporary Social Problems, ed. Joel Best (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1995).86 .Ibid., 154.87 .Ibid., 170–71.88 .Doris Marie Provine, Unequal Under Law: Race in the War on Drugs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 111, citing Congressional Record 132 (Sept. 24, 1986): S 13741.89 .Provine, Unequal Under Law, 117.90 .Mark Peffley, Jon Hurwitz, and Paul Sniderman, “Racial Stereotypes and Whites’ Political Views of Blacks in the Context of Welfare and Crime,” American Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (1997): 30–60; Martin Gilens, “Racial Attitudes and Opposition to Welfare,” Journal of Politics 57, no. 4 (1995): 994–1014; Kathlyn Taylor Gaubatz, Crime in the Public Mind (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995); and John Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, “Public Perceptions of Race and Crime: The Role of Racial Stereotypes,” American Journal of Political Science 41, no. 2 (1997): 375–401.91 .See Frank Furstenberg, “Public Reaction to Crime in the Streets,” American Scholar 40 (1971): 601–10; Arthur Stinchcombe et al., Crime and Punishment in America: Changing Attitudes in America (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1980); Michael Corbett, “Public Support for Law and Order: Interrelationships with System Affirmation and Attitudes Toward Minorities,” Criminology 19 (1981): 337.92 .Stephen Earl Bennett and Alfred J. Tuchfarber, “The Social Structural Sources of Cleavage on Law and Order Policies,” American Journal of Political Science 19 (1975): 419–38; Sandra Browning and Liqun Cao, “The Impact of Race on Criminal Justice Ideology,” Justice Quarterly 9 (Dec. 1992): 685–99; and Steven F. Cohn, Steven E. Barkan, and William A. Halteman, “Punitive Attitudes Toward Criminals: Racial Consensus or Racial Conflict?” Social Problems 38 (1991): 287–96.27093 .Beckett, Making Crime Pay, 44.94 .Ibid., citing New York Times/CBS News Poll, Aug. 1990, 2–4.95 .See Beckett, Making Crime Pay, 14–27.96 .”Ku Klux Klan Says It Will Fight Drugs,” Toledo Journal, Jan. 3–9, 1990.97 .Michael Kramer, “Frying Them Isn’t the Answer,” Time, Mar. 14, 1994, 32.98 .David Masci, “$30 Billion Anti-Crime Bill Heads to Clinton’s Desk,” Congressional Quarterly, Aug. 27, 1994, 2488–93; and Beckett, Making Crime Pay, 61.99 .Justice Policy Institute, “Clinton Crime Agenda Ignores Proven Methods for Reducing Crime,” Apr. 14, 2008, available online at www.justicepolicy.org/content-hmID=1817&smID=1571&ssmID=71.htm.100 .Loïc Wacquant, “Class, Race & Hyperincarceration in Revanchist America,” Dædalus, Summer 2010, 77.101 .Ibid.102 .Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the Union, Jan. 23, 1996.103 .U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, Meeting the Challenge: Public Housing Authorities Respond to the “One Strike and You’re Out” Initiative, Sept. 1997, v.2. The Lockdown1 .See Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, rev. ed. (New York: The New Press, 2006), 33.2 .Marc Mauer and Ryan King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The “War on Drugs” and Its Impact on American Society (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2007), 2.3 .Ibid., 3.4 .Testimony of Marc Mauer, Executive Director of the Sentencing Project, Prepared for the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security, 111th Cong., Hearing on Unfairness in Federal Cocaine Sentencing: Is It Time to Crack the 100 to 1 Disparity? May 21, 2009, 2.5 .Mauer and King, A 25-Year Quagmire, 2–3.6 .Ibid.; and Ryan King and Marc Mauer, The War on Marijuana: The Transformation of the War on Drugs in the 1990s (New York: Sentencing Project, 2005), documenting the dramatic increase in marijuana arrests. Marijuana is a relatively harmless drug. The 1988 surgeon general’s report lists tobacco as a more dangerous drug than marijuana, and Francis Young, an administrative law judge for the Drug Enforcement Administration found there are no credible medical reports to suggest that consuming marijuana, in any dose, has ever caused a single death. U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, Opinion and Recommended Ruling, Findings of Fact, Conclusions of Law and Decision of Administrative Law Judge Francis L. Young, in the Matter of Marijuana Rescheduling Petition, Docket no. 27186-22, Sept. 6, 1988, 56–57. By comparison, tobacco kills roughly 390,000 Americns annually, and alcohol is responsible for some 150,000 U.S. deaths a year. See Doug Bandow, “War on Drugs or War on America?” Stanford Law and Policy Review 3: 242, 245 (1991).7 .Pew Center on the States, One in 31: The Long Reach of American Corrections (Washington, DC: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2009).8 .Skinner v. Railway Labor Executive Association, 489 U.S. 602, 641 (1980), Marshall, J., dissenting.9 .California v. Acevedo, 500 U.S. 565, 600 (1991), Stevens. J., dissenting.10 .Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1, 30 (1968).11 .Ibid., Douglas J., dissenting.12 .See generally United States v. Lewis, 921 F.2d 1294, 1296 (1990); United States v. Flowers, 912 F.2d 707, 708 (4th Cir. 1990); and Florida v. Bostick, 501 U.S. 429, 441 (1991).13 .See, e.g., Florida v. Kerwick, 512 So.2d 347, 349 (Fla. App. 4 Dist. 1987).14 .See United States v. Flowers, 912 F.2d 707, 710 (4th Cir. 1990).15 .Bostick v. State, 554 So. 2d 1153, 1158 (Fla. 1989), quoting State v. Kerwick, 512 So.2d 347, 348–49 (Fla. 4th DCA 1987).16 .In re J.M., 619 A.2d 497, 501 (D.C. App. 1992).17 .Illinois Migrant Council v. Pilliod, 398 F. Supp. 882, 899 (N.D. Ill. 1975).18 .Tracy Maclin, “Black and Blue Encounters—Some Preliminary Thoughts About Fourth Amendment Seizures: Should Race Matter?” Valparaiso University Law Review 26 (1991): 249–50.19 .Florida v. Bostick, 501 U.S. 429, 441 n. 1 (1991), Marshall, J., dissenting.20 .Maclin, “Black and Blue Encounters.”21 .Schneckloth v. Bustamonte, 412 U.S. 218, 229 (1973).22 .See Illinois v. Caballes, 543 U.S. 405 (2005) and United States v. Place, 462 U.S. 696 (1983).23 .See U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, Operations Pipeline and Convoy (Washington, DC, n.d.), www.usdoj.gov/dea/programs/pipecon.htm.24 .Ricardo J. Bascuas, “Fourth Amendment Lessons from the Highway and the Subway: A Principled Approach to Suspicionless Searches,” Rutgers Law Journal 38 (2007): 719, 763.25 .State v. Rutherford, 93 Ohio App.3d 586, 593–95, 639 N.E. 2d 498, 503–4, n. 3 (Ohio Ct. App. 1994).26 .Gary Webb, “Driving While Black,” Esquire, Apr. 1, 1999, 122.27 .Ibid.28 .Scott Henson, Flawed Enforcement: Why Drug Task Force Highway Interdiction Violates Rights, Wastes Tax Dollars, and Fails to Limit the Availability of Drugs in Texas (Austin: American Civil Liberties Union—Texas Chapter, 2004), 9, www.aclu.org/racialjustice/racialprofiling/15897pub20040519.html.27229 .David Cole, No Equal Justice: Race and Class in the American Criminal Justice System (New York: The New Press, 1999), 47.30 .Florida Department of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles, Office of General Counsel, Common Characteristics of Drug Couriers(1984), sec. I.A.4.31 .Cole, No Equal Justice, 49.32 .”Fluid Drug Courier Profiles See Everyone As Suspicious,” Criminal Practice Manual 5 (Bureau of National Affairs: July 10, 1991): 334–35.33 .Mauer and King, 25-Year Quagmire, 3.34 .Katherine Beckett, Making Crime Pay: Law and Order in Contemporary American Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 45; and Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, 49.35 .U.S. Department of Justice, Department of Justice Drug Demand Reduction Activities, Report No. 3-12 (Washington, DC: Office of the Inspector General, Feb. 2003), 35, www.usdoj.gov/oig/reports/plus/a0312.36 .Radley Balko, Overkill: The Rise of Paramilitary Police Raids in America (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, July 17, 2006), 8.37 .Megan Twohey, “SWATs Under Fire,” National Journal, Jan. 1, 2000, 37; Balko, Overkill, 8.38 .Timothy Egan, “Soldiers of the Drug War Remain on Duty,” New York Times, Mar. 1, 1999.39 .Ibid., 8–9.40 .Scott Andron, “SWAT: Coming to a Town Near You?” Miami Herald, May 20, 2002.41 .Balko, Overkill, 11, citing Peter Kraska, “Researching the Police-Military Blur: Lessons Learned,” Police Forum 14, no. 3 (2005).42 .Balko, Overkill, 11, citing Britt Robson, “Friendly Fire,” Minneapolis City Pages, Sept. 17, 1997.43 .Ibid., 43 (citing Kraska research).44 .Ibid., 49 (citing Village Voice).45 .Ibid., 50; “Not All Marijuana Law Victims Are Arrested: Police Officer Who Fatally Shot Suspected Marijuana User Cleared of Criminal Charges,” NORML News, July 13, 1995, druglibrary.org/olsen/NORML/WEEKLY/95-07-13.html; Timothy Lynch, After Prohibition (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2000), 82; and various sources citing “Dodge County Detective Can’t Remember Fatal Shot; Unarmed Man Killed in Drug Raid at His Home,” Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel, Apr. 29, 1995, A1, and “The Week,” National Review, June 12, 1995, 14.46 .Ibid., 10, citing Steven Elbow, “Hooked on SWAT: Fueled with Drug Enforcement Money, Military-Style Police Teams Are Exploding in the Backwoods of Wisconsin,” Madison Capitol Times, Aug. 18, 2001.47 .Eric Blumenson and Eva Nilsen, “Policing for Profit: The Drug War’s Hidden Economic Agenda,” University of Chicago Law Review 65 (1998): 35, 45.27348 .Ibid., 64.49 .Blumenson and Nilsen, “Policing for Profit,” 72.50 .Ibid., 71.51 .Ibid., 82.52 .Ibid.53 .Ibid., 83.54 .Ibid.55 .Ibid.56 .Ibid., 98.57 .Michael Fessier Jr., “Trail’s End Deep in a Wild Canyon West of Malibu, a Controversial Law Brought Together a Zealous Sheriff’s Deputy and an Eccentric Recluse; a Few Seconds Later, Donald Scott Was Dead,” Los Angeles Times Magazine, Aug. 1, 1993; and Office of the District Attorney of Ventura, California, “Report on the Death of Donald Scott,” (Mar. 30, 1993), available at www.fear.org/chron/scott.txt.58 .Peter D. Lepsch, “Wanted: Civil Forfeiture Reform,” Drug Policy Letter, Summer 1997, 12.59 .James Massey, Susan Miller, and Anna Wilhelmi, “Civil Forfeiture of Property: The Victimization of Women as Innocent Owners and Third Parties,” in Crime Control and Women, ed. Susan Miller (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998), 17.60 .United States v. One Parcel of Real Estate Located at 9818 S.W. 94 Terrace, 788 F. Supp. 561, 565 (S.D. Fla. 1992).61 .David Hunt, “Obama Fields Questions on Jacksonville Crime,” Florida Times-Union, Sept. 22, 2008.62 .See Phillip Smith, “Federal Budget: Economic Stimulus Bill Stimulates Drug War, Too,” Drug War Chronicle, no. 573 (Feb. 20, 2009). See also Michelle Alexander, “Obama’s Drug War,” The Nation, Dec. 9, 2010 (noting that the 2009 economic stimulus package included a twelvefold increase in financing for Byrne programs).63 .John Balzar, “The System: Deals, Deadlines, Few Trials,” Los Angeles Times, Sept. 4, 2006.64 .Marc Mauer and Ryan S. King, Schools and Prisons: Fifty Years After Brown v. Board of Education (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2004), 4.65 .Laura Parker, “8 Years in a Louisiana Jail but He Never Went to Trial,” USA Today, Aug. 29, 2005.66 .Mauer and King, Schools and Prisons, 4.67 .American Bar Association, Standing Committee on Legal Aid and Indigent Defendants, Gideon’s Broken Promise: America’s Continuing Quest for Equal Justice (Washington, DC: American Bar Association, Dec. 2004), Executive Summary IV; adopted by American Bar Association House of Delegates, Aug. 9, 2005, www.abanet.org/leadership/2005/annual/dailyjournal/107.doc.27468 .Parker, “8 Years in a Louisiana Jail.”69 .Kim Brooks and Darlene Kamine, eds., Justice Cut Short: An Assessment of Access to Counsel and Quality of Representation in Delinquency Proceedings In Ohio (Columbus: Ohio State Bar Foundation, 2003), 28.70 .Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, 35–37.71 .See Angela J. Davis, Arbitrary Justice: The Power of the American Prosecutor (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 31–33.72 .See Alexandra Natapoff, “Snitching: The Institutional and Communal Consequences,” University of Cincinnati Law Review 645 (2004); and Emily Jane Dodds, “I’ll Make You a Deal: How Repeat Informants Are Corrupting the Criminal Jus tice System and What to Do About It,” William and Mary Law Review 50 (2008): 1063.73 .See “Riverside Drug Cases Under Review Over Use of Secret Informant,” Associated Press, Aug. 20, 2004; Ruben Narvette Jr., “Blame Stretches Far and Wide in Drug Scandal,” Dallas Morning News, Nov. 14, 2003; Rob Warden, How Snitch Testimony Sent Randy Steidl and Other Innocent Americans to Death Row (Chicago: Northwestern University School of Law, Center for Wrongful Convictions, 2004–5); “The Informant Trap,” National Law Journal, Mar. 6, 1995; Steven Mills and Ken Armstrong, “The Jailhouse Informant,” Chicago Tribune, Nov. 16, 1999; and Ted Rohrlich and Robert Stewart, “Jailhouse Snitches: Trading Lies for Freedom,” Los Angeles Times, Apr. 16, 1989.74 .See Adam Liptak, “Consensus on Counting the Innocent: We Can’t,” New York Times, Mar. 25, 2008; and Adam Liptak, “Study Suspects Thousands of False Confessions,” New York Times, Apr. 19, 2004.75 .Christopher J. Mumola and Jennifer C. Karberg, Drug Use and Dependence, State and Federal Prisoners, 2004 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006); and Ashley Nellis, Judy Greene, and Marc Mauer, Reducing Racial Disparity in the Criminal Justice System: A Manual for Practitioners and Policymakers, 2d ed. (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2008), 8.76 .Hutto v. Davis, 454 U.S. 370 (1982).77 .Harmelin v. Michigan, 501 U.S. 967 (1991).78 .Marc Mauer, “The Hidden Problem of Time Served in Prison,” Social Research 74, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 701, 703.79 .Lockyer v. Andrade, 538 U.S. 63 (2003).80 .Anne Gearam, “Supreme Court Upholds ‘Three Strikes Law,’” Associated Press, Mar. 5, 2003.81 .See Families Against Mandatory Minimums, “Profiles of Injustice,” at www.famm.org/ProfilesofInjustice/FederalProfiles/MarcusBoyd.aspx.82 .Marc Mauer, “Hidden Problem,” 701–2.83 .Special to the New York Times, “Criticizing Sentencing Rules, US Judge Resigns,” New York Times, Sept. 30, 1990.84 .Joseph Treaster, “Two Federal Judges, in Protest, Refuse to Accept Drug Cases,” New York Times, Apr. 17, 1993.27585 .Chris Carmody, “Revolt to Sentencing is Gaining Momentum,” National Law Journal, May 17, 1993, 10.86 .Stuart Taylor Jr., “Ten Years for Two Ounces,” American Lawyer, Mar. 1990, 65–66.87 .Michael Jacobson, Downsizing Prisons: How to Reduce Crime and End Mass Incarceration (New York: New York University Press, 2005), 215.88 .See Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, 33, 36–38, citing Warren Young and Mark Brown.89 .PEW Center for the States, One in 31.90 .Jeremy Travis, But They All Come Back: Facing the Challenges of Prisoner Reentry (Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press, 2002), 32, citing Bureau of Justice Statistics.91 .Ibid., 94, citing Bureau of Justice Statistics.92 .Ibid.93 .Ibid., 32.94 .Ibid.95 .Ibid., 49, citing Bureau of Justice Statistics.96 .Loïc Wacquant, “The New ‘Peculiar Institution’: On the Prison as Surrogate Ghetto,” Theoretical Criminology 4, no. 3 (2000): 377–89.3. The Color of Justice1 .Frontline, The Plea, www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/plea/four/stewart.html; and Angela Davis, Arbitrary Justice: The Power of the American Prosecutor(New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 50–52.2 .American Civil Liberties Union, Stories of ACLU Clients Swept Up in the Hearne Drug Bust of November 2000 (Washington, DC: American Civil Liberties Union, 2002), www.aclu.org/DrugPolicy/DrugPolicy.cfm?ID=11160&c=80.3 .Human Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs, HRW Reports, vol. 12, no. 2 (May 2000).4 .Ibid.5 .Jeremy Travis, But They All Come Back: Facing the Challenges of Prisoner Reentry (Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press, 2002), 28.6 .Ibid.7 .Ibid.8 .Marc Mauer and Ryan S. King, Schools and Prisons: Fifty Years After Brown v. Board of Education (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2004), 3.9 .Marc Mauer, The Changing Racial Dynamics of the War on Drugs (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, Apr. 2009).10 .See, e.g., U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Summary of Findings from the 2000 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, NHSDA series H-13, DHHS pub. no. 276SMA 01-3549 (Rockville, MD: 2001), reporting that 6.4 percent of whites, 6.4 percent of blacks, and 5.3 percent of Hispanics were current illegal drug users in 2000; Results from the 2002 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings, NSDUH series H-22, DHHS pub. no. SMA 03-3836 (2003), revealing nearly identical rates of illegal drug use among whites and blacks, only a single percentage point between them; Results from the 2007 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings, NSDUH series H-34, DHHS pub. no. SMA 08-4343 (2007) showing essentially the same findings; and Marc Mauer and Ryan S. King, A 25-Year Quagmire: The War on Drugs and Its Impact on American Society (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, Sept. 2007), 19, citing a study suggesting that African Americans have slightly higher rates of illegal drug use than whites.11 .See, e.g., Howard N. Snyder and Melissa Sickman, Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 2006 National Report, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (Washington, DC: 2006), reporting that white youth are more likely than black youth to engage in illegal drug sales; Lloyd D. Johnson, Patrick M. O’Malley, Jerald G. Bachman, and John E. Schulenberg, Monitoring the Future, National Survey Results on Drug Use, 1975–2006, vol. 1, Secondary School Students, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institute on Drug Abuse, NIH pub. no. 07-6205 (Bethesda, MD: 2007), 32, stating “African American 12th graders have consistently shown lower usage rates than White 12th graders for most drugs, both licit and illicit”; and Lloyd D. Johnston, Patrick M. O’Malley, and Jerald G. Bachman, Monitoring the Future: National Results on Adolescent Drug Use: Overview of Key Findings 2002, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Institute on Drug Abuse, NIH pub. no. 03-5374 (Bethesda, MD: 2003), presenting data showing that African American adolescents have slightly lower rates of illicit drug use than their white counterparts.12 .National Institute on Drug Abuse, Monitoring the Future, National Survey Results on Drug Use, 1975–1999, vol. 1, Secondary School Students (Washington, DC: National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2000).13 .U.S. Department of Health, National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, 1999 (Washington, DC: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Office of Applied Studies, 2000), table G, p. 71, www.samhsa.gov/statistics/statistics.html.14 .Bruce Western, Punishment and Inequality (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006), 47.15 .Researchers have found that drug users are most likely to report using as a main source for drugs someone who is of their own racial or ethnic background. See, e.g., K. Jack Riley, Crack, Powder Cocaine and Heroin: Drug Purchase and Use Patterns in Six U.S. Cities (Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice, 1997), 1; see also George Rengert and James LeBeau, “The Impact of Ethnic Boundaries on the Spatial Choice of Illegal Drug Dealers,” paper presented at the annual meeting of 277the American Society of Criminology, Atlanta, Georgia, Nov. 13, 2007 (unpublished manuscript), finding that most illegal drug dealers sell in their own neighborhood and that a variety of factors influence whether dealers are willing to travel outside their home community.16 .See Rafik Mohamed and Erik Fritsvold, “Damn, It Feels Good to Be a Gangsta: The Social Organization of the Illicit Drug Trade Servicing a Private College Campus,” Deviant Behavior 27 (2006): 97–125.17 .See Ralph Weisheit, Domestic Marijuana: A Neglected Industry (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1992); and Ralph Weisheit, David Falcone, and L. Edward Wells, Crime and Policing in Rural and Small-Town America (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland, 1996).18 .Patricia Davis and Pierre Thomas, “In Affluent Suburbs, Young Users and Sellers Abound,” Washington Post, Dec. 14, 1997.19 .Human Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice.20 .PEW Center on the States, One in 100: Behind Bars in America 2008 (Washington, DC: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2008)—data analysis is based on statistics for midyear 2006 published by the U.S. Department of Justice in June 2007.21 .Ibid.; Pew Center on the States, One in 31: The Long Reach of American Corrections (Washington, DC: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2009).22 .Howard Schuman, Charlotte Steeh, Lawrence Bobo, and Maria Krysan, Racial Attitudes in America: Trends and Interpretations(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985).23 .See, e.g., Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate (New York: The New Press, 1999), 28–35, 92–112.24 .Ibid.25 .Katherine Beckett and Theodore Sasson, The Politics of Injustice: Crime and Punishment in America (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2004), 22.26 .Heather West and William Sobol, “Prisoners in 2009,” Bureau of Justice Statistics, Dec. 2010.27 .Lauren Glaze, “Correctional Populations in the United States, 2009,” Bureau of Justice Statistics, Dec. 2010.28 .Ibid.29 .Ibid.30 .Thomas Cohen and Tracey Kyckelhahn, “Felony Defendants in Large Urban Counties, 2006,” Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin, May 2010.31 .Report of the Illinois Disproportionate Justice Impact Study Commission, Dec. 2010, available at www.centerforhealthandjustice.org/DJIS_ExecSumm_FINAL.pdf.32 .Mike Drause, “The Case for Further Sentencing Reform in Colorado,” Independence Institute, Jan. 2011, 3. In 1982, drug offenders made up only 6 percent of total prison admissions in Colorado; today they comprise 23 percent of total admissions. Ibid. See also Eric Lotke and Jason Ziedenberg, “Tipping Point: Maryland’s 278Overuse of Incarceration and the Impact on Community Safety,” Justice Policy Institute, Mar. 2005 (noting that the size of Maryland’s prison system has tripled in recent years, and that “this expansion was driven mainly by drug imprisonment and drug addiction”).33 .Cities with similar demographic profiles often have vastly different drug arrest and conviction rates—not because of disparities in drug crime but rather because of differences in the amount of resources dedicated to drug law enforcement. Ryan S. King, Disparity by Geography: The War on Drugs in America’s Cities (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2008).34 .Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Results from the 2002 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: Detailed Tables, Prevalence Estimates, Standard Errors and Sample Sizes(Washington, DC: Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2003), table 34.35 .Jimmie Reeves and Richard Campbell, Cracked Coverage: Television News, the Anti-Cocaine Crusade and the Reagan Legacy (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994).36 .David Jernigan and Lori Dorfman, “Visualizing America’s Drug Problems: An Ethnographic Content Analysis of Illegal Drug Stories on the Nightly News,” Contemporary Drug Problems 23 (1996): 169, 188.37 .Rick Szykowny, “No Justice, No Peace: An Interview with Jerome Miller,” Humanist, Jan.–Feb. 1994, 9–19.38 .Melissa Hickman Barlow, “Race and the Problem of Crime in Time and Newsweek Cover Stories, 1946 to 1995,” Social Justice 25 (1989): 149–83.39 .Betty Watson Burston, Dionne Jones, and Pat Robertson-Saunders, “Drug Use and African Americans: Myth Versus Reality,” Journal of Alcohol and Drug Abuse 40 (Winter 1995): 19.40 .Franklin D. Gilliam and Shanto Iyengar, “Prime Suspects: The Influence of Local Television News on the Viewing Public,” American Journal of Political Science 44 (2000): 560–73.41 .See, e.g., Nilanjana Dasgupta, “Implicit Ingroup Favoritism, Outgroup Favoritism, and Their Behavioral Manifestations,” Social Justice Research 17 (2004): 143. For a review of the social science literature on this point and its relevance to critical race theory and antidiscrimination law, see Jerry Kang, “Trojan Horses of Race,” Harvard Law Review 118 (2005): 1489.42 .There is some dispute whether Nietzsche actually said this. He did use the term “immaculate perception” in Thus Spoke Zarathustra to disparage traditional views of knowledge, but apparently did not say the precise quote attributed to him. See Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra, reprinted in The Portable Nietzsche, ed. and trans. Walter Kaufmann (New York: Viking Penguin, 1954), 100, 233–36.43 .See, e.g., John F. Dovidio et al., “On the Nature of Prejudice: Automatic and Controlled Processes,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 33 (1997): 510, 516–17, 534.27944 .Joshua Correll et al., “The Police Officer’s Dilemma: Using Ethnicity to Disambiguate Potentially Threatening Individuals, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 83 (2001): 1314; see also Keith Payne, “Prejudice and Perception: The Role of Automatic and Controlled Processes in Misperceiving a Weapon,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 81 (2001): 181.45 .See, e.g., Dovidio et al., “On the Nature of Prejudice”; and Dasgupta, “Implicit Ingroup Favoritism.”46 .Ibid.; see also Brian Nosek, Mahzarin Banaji, and Anthony Greenwald, “Harvesting Implicit Group Attitudes and Beliefs from a Demonstration Web Site,” Group Dynamics 6 (2002): 101.47 .Correll, “Police Officer’s Dilemma.”48 .Nosek et al., “Harvesting Implicit Group Attitudes.”49 .Ibid.50 .John A. Bargh et al., “Automaticity of Social Behavior: Direct Effects of Trait Construct and Stereotype Activation on Action,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 71 (1996): 230; Gilliam and Iyengar, “Prime Suspects”; Jennifer L. Eberhardt et al., “Looking Deathworthy,” Psychological Science 17, no. 5 (2006): 383–86 (“[J]urors are influenced not simply by the knowledge that the defendant is Black, but also by the extent to which the defendant appears to be stereotypically Black. In fact for the Blacks with [the most stereotypical faces], the chance of receiving a death sentence more than doubled”); Jennifer L. Eberhardt et al., “Seeing Black: Race, Crime, and Visual Processing,” Journal of Personality and Social Pscychology 87, no. 6 (2004): 876–93 (not only were black faces considered more criminal by law enforcement, but the more stereotypical black faces were considered to be the most criminal of all); and Irene V. Blair, “The Influence of Afrocentric Facial Features in Criminal Sentencing,” Psychological Science 15, no. 10 (2004): 674–79 (finding that inmates with more Afrocentric features received harsher sentences than individuals with less Afrocentric features).51 .See Kathryn Russell, The Color of Crime (New York: New York University Press, 1988), coining the term criminalblackman.52 .The notion that the Supreme Court must apply a higher standard of review and show special concern for the treatment of “discrete and insular minorities”—who may not fare well through the majoritarian political process—was first recognized by the Court in the famous footnote 4 of United States v. Caroline Products Co., 301 U.S. 144, n. 4 (1938).53 .Whren v. United States, 517 U.S. 806 (1996).54 .McCleskey v. Kemp, 481 U.S. 279, 327 (1989), Brennan, J., dissenting.55 .Ibid., 321.56 .Ibid., 296. Ironically, the Court expressed concern that these rules would make it difficult for prosecutors to disprove racial bias. Apparently, the Court was unconcerned that defendants, due to its ruling in the case, would not be able to prove racial bias because of the same rules.28057 .Ibid., 314–16.58 .Ibid., 339.59 .United States v. Clary, 846 F.Supp. 768, 796–97 (E.D.Mo. 1994).60 .Doris Marie Provine, Unequal Under Law: Race in the War on Drugs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 26.61 .Davis, Arbitrary Justice, 5.62 .Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 373–74 (1886).63 .See, e.g., Sandra Graham and Brian Lowery, “Priming Unconscious Racial Stereotypes About Adolescent Offenders,” Law and Human Behavior 28, no. 5 (2004): 483–504.64 .Christopher Schmitt, “Plea Bargaining Favors Whites, as Blacks, Hispanics Pay Price,” San Jose Mercury News, Dec. 8, 1991.65 .See, e.g., Carl E. Pope and William Feyerherm, “Minority Status and Juvenile Justice Processing: An Assessment of the Research Literature,” Criminal Justice Abstracts 22 (1990): 527–42; Carl E. Pope, Rick Lovell, and Heidi M. Hsia, U.S. Department of Justice, Disproportionate Minority Confinement: A Review of the Research Literature from 1989 Through 2001 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 2002); Eleanor Hinton Hoytt, Vincent Schiraldi, Brenda V. Smith, and Jason Ziedenberg, Reducing Racial Disparities in Juvenile Detention (Baltimore: Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2002), 20–21.66 .Eileen Poe-Yamagata and Michael A. Jones, And Justice for Some: Differential Treatment of Youth of Color in the Justice System(Washington, DC: Building Blocks for Youth, 2000).67 .Christopher Hartney and Fabiana Silva, And Justice for Some: Differential Treatment of Youth of Color in the Justice System(Washington, DC: National Council on Crime and Delinquency, 2007).68 .See George Bridges and Sara Steen, “Racial Disparities in Official Assessments of Juvenile Offenders: Attributional Stereotypes as Mediating Mechanisms,” American Sociological Review63, no. 4 (1998): 554–70.69 .Swain v. Alabama, 380 U.S. 202 (1965), overruled by Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 79 (1986).70 .Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303, 308 (1880).71 .Ibid., 309.72 .Benno C. Schmidt Jr., “Juries, Jurisdiction, and Race Discrimination: The Lost Promise of Strauder v. West Virginia,” Texas Law Review 61 (1983): 1401.73 .See, e.g., Smith v. Mississippi, 162 U.S. 592 (1896); Gibson v. Mississippi, 162 U.S. 565 (1896); and Brownfield v. South Carolina, 189 U.S. 426 (1903).74 .Neal v. Delaware, 103 U.S. 370, 397 (1880).75 .Ibid., 402–3 (quoting Delaware Supreme Court).76 .Miller-El v. Cockrell, 537 U.S. 322, 333–34 (2003).77 .Ibid., 334–35.28178 .Brian Kalt, “The Exclusion of Felons from Jury Service,” American University Law Review 53 (2003): 65, 67.79 .Michael J. Raphael and Edward J. Ungvarsky, “Excuses, Excuses: Neutral Explanations Under Batson v. Kentucky,” University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 27 (1993): 229, 236.80 .Sheri Lynn Johnson, “The Language and Culture (Not to Say Race) of Peremptory Challenges,” William and Mary Law Review35 (1993): 21, 59.81 .Purkett v. Elm, 514 U.S. 765, 771 n. 4 (1995), Stevens, J., dissenting and quoting prosecutor.82 .Ibid., 767.83 .Ibid., 768.84 .Ibid.85 .See Lynn Lu, “Prosecutorial Discretion and Racial Disparities in Sentencing: Some Views of Former U.S. Attorneys,” Federal Sentencing Reporter 19 (Feb. 2007): 192.86 .Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 2.87 .For a discussion of possible replacement effects, see Robert MacCoun and Peter Reuter, Drug War Heresies: Learning from Other Vices, Times, and Places (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).88 .See Katherine Beckett, Kris Nyrop, Lori Pfingst, and Melissa Bowen, “Drug Use, Drug Possession Arrests, and the Question of Race: Lessons from Seattle,” Social Problems 52, no. 3 (2005): 419–41; and Katherine Beckett, Kris Nyrop, and Lori Pfingst, “Race, Drugs and Policing: Understanding Disparities in Drug Delivery Arrests,” Criminology 44, no. 1 (2006): 105.89 .Beckett, “Drug Use,” 436.90 .Ibid.91 .Ibid.92 .David Cole, No Equal Justice: Race and Class in the American Criminal Justice System (New York: The New Press, 1999), 161.93 .Ibid., 162.94 .City of Los Angeles v. Lyons, 461 U.S. 95, 105 (1983).95 .Quern v. Jordan, 440 U.S. 332 (1979); and Will v. Mich. Dept. of State Police, 491 U.S. 58 (1989).96 .Monell v. Dept. of Social Services, 436 U.S. 658 (1978).97 .See United States v. Brignoni-Ponce, 422 U.S. 873 (1975); and United States v. Martinez-Fuerte, 428 U.S. 543 (1976).98 .See Massey, American Apartheid.99 .For a thoughtful overview of these studies, see David Harris, Profiles in Injustice: Why Racial Profiling Cannot Work (New York: The New Press, 2002).282100 .State v. Soto, 324 N.J. Super. 66, 69–77, 83–85, 734 A.2d 350, 352–56, 360 (N.J. Super. Ct. Law Div. 1996).101 .Harris, Profiles in Injustice, 80.102 .Ibid.103 .Jeff Brazil and Steve Berry, “Color of Drivers Is Key to Stops on I-95 Videos,” Orlando Sentinel, Aug. 23, 1992; and David Harris, “Driving While Black and All Other Traffic Offenses: The Supreme Court and Pretextual Traffic Stops,” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 87 (1997): 544, 561–62.104 .ACLU, Driving While Black: Racial Profiling on our Nation’s Highways (New York: American Civil Liberties Union, 1999) 3, 27–28.105 .ACLU of Northern California, “Oakland Police Department Announces Results of Racial Profiling Data Collection Program Praised by ACLU,” press release, May 11, 2001, www.aclunc.org/news/press_releases/oakland_police_department_annouces_results_of_racial_profiling_data_collection_program_praised_by_aclu.shtml.106 .Al Baker and Emily Vasquez, “Number of People Stopped by Police Soars in New York,” New York Times, Feb. 3, 2007.107 .Office of the Attorney General of New York State, Report on the New York City Police Department’s “Stop & Frisk” Practices (New York: Office of the Attorney General of New York State, 1999), 95, 111, 121, 126.108 .Ibid., 117 n. 23109 .Baker and Vasquez, “Number of People Stopped by Police Soars.”110 .Center for Constitutional Rights, “Racial Disparity in NYPD Stops-and-Frisks: Preliminary Report on UF-250 Data from June 2005 through June 2008,” Jan. 15, 2009, ccrjustice.org/files/Report_CCR_NYPD_Stop_and_Frisk_0.pdf.111 .Al Baker and Ray Rivera, “Study Finds Tens of Thousands of Street Stops by N.Y. Police Unjustified,” New York Times, Oct. 26, 2010.112 .Ibid.113 .Ibid.114 .Harry G. Levine and Loren Siegel, “$75 Million a Year: The Cost of New York City’s Marijuana Possession Arrests,” and the appendix “Human Costs of Marijuana Possession Arrests,” Drug Policy Alliance, Mar. 15, 2011, www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/%2475%20Million%20A%20Year.pdf.115 .Ibid.116 .See Harry G. Levine and Deborah Peterson Small, Marijuana Arrest Crusade: Racial Bias and Police Policy in New York City, 1997–2007 (New York: New York Civil Liberties Union, 2008), 4.117 .Ryan Pintado-Vertner and Jeff Chang. “The War on Youth,” Colorlines 2, no. 4 (Winter 1999–2000): 36.118 .Alexander v. Sandoval, 532 U.S. 275 (2001).119 .The Fair Sentencing Act was signed by President Obama on August 3, 2010. As originally introduced in the Senate, the bill would have completely eliminated 283the discriminatory disparity between crack and powder cocaine sentencing under federal law. But during the bill’s markup in the Senate, a deal was struck with Republican Senate Judiciary Committee members to simply reduce the disparity to an 18:1 ratio. See Peter Baker, “Obama Signs Law Narrowing Cocaine Sentencing Disparities,” New York Times, Aug. 3, 2010, thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/08/03/obama-signs-law-narrowing-cocaine-sentencing-disparities/. See also Nicole Porter and Valerie Wright, “Cracked Justice,” Sentencing Project, Mar. 2011 (documenting the persistence of crack vs. powder sentencing disparities in numerous states).4. The Cruel Hand1 .Proceedings of the Colored National Convention, held in Rochester, July 6–8, 1853 (Rochester: Printed at the office of Frederick Douglass’s Papers, 1853), 16.2 .Approximately 30 percent of African American men are banned for life from jury service because they are felons. See Brian Kalt, “The Exclusion of Felons from Jury Service,” American University Law Review 53 (2003): 65.3 .Jeremy Travis, But They All Come Back: Facing the Challenges of Prisoner Reentry (Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press, 2002), 73.4 .Webb Hubbell, “The Mark of Cain,” San Francisco Chronicle, June 10, 2001; Nora Demleitner, “Preventing Internal Exile: The Need for Restrictions on Collateral Sentencing and Consequences,” Stanford Law and Policy Review 11, no. 1 (1999): 153–63.5 .Marc Mauer and Meda Chesney-Lind, eds., Invisible Punishment: The Collateral Consequences of Mass Imprisonment (New York: The New Press, 2002), 5, citing American Bar Association, Task Force on Collateral Sanctions, Introduction, Proposed Standards on Collateral Sanctions and Administrative Disqualification of Convicted Persons, draft, Jan. 18, 2002.6 .Frederick Douglass, “What Negroes Want,” in The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, vol. 4, ed. Philip S. Foner (New York: International, 1955), 159–60.7 .Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen, Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 152.8 .Human Rights Watch, No Second Chance: People with Criminal Records Denied Access to Housing (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2006), ix.9 .President Bill Clinton, “Remarks by the President at One Strike Symposium,” White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Mar. 28, 1996, clinton6.nara.gov/1996/03/1996-03-28-president-remarks-at-one-strike-symposium.html.10 .Memorandum from President Clinton to HUD Secretary on “One Strike and You’re Out” Guidelines, Mar. 28, 1996, clinton6.nara.gov/1996/03/1996-03-28-memo-on-one-strike-and-you’re-out-guidelines.html; and President Bill Clinton, “Remarks by the President at One Strike Symposium.”11 .U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, notice PIH 96-16 (HA), Apr. 29, 1996, and attached “one strike” guidelines, HUD, “‘One Strike and 284You’re Out’ Screening and Eviction Guidelines for Public Housing Authorities,” Apr. 12, 1996.12 .Human Rights Watch, No Second Chance.13 .Ibid., vi.14 .Rucker v. Davis, 237 F.3d 1113 (9th Cir. 2001).15 .Department of Housing and Urban Development v. Rucker, 535 U.S. 125 (2002).16 .California Department of Corrections, Preventing Parolee Failure Program: An Evaluation (Sacramento: California Department of Corrections, 1997), available at www.ncjrs.gov/App/publications/Abstract.aspx?id=180542.17 .Dennis Culhane et al., The New York/New York Agreement Cost Study: The Impact of Supportive Housing on Services Use for Homeless Mentally Ill Individuals (New York: Corporation for Supportive Housing, 2001), 4.18 .Human Rights Watch, No Second Chance, i.19 .Martha Nelson, Perry Dees, and Charlotte Allen, The First Month Out: Post-Incarceration Experiences in New York City (New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 1999).20 .Edward Rhine, William Smith, and Ronald Jackson, Paroling Authorities: Recent History and Current Practice (Laurel, MD: American Correctional Association, 1991).21 .Gene Johnson, “‘Ban the Box’ Movement Gains Steam,” Wave Newspapers, New America Media, Aug. 15, 2006.22 .Legal Action Center, After Prison: Roadblocks to Reentry, a Report on State Legal Barriers Facing People with Criminal Records(New York: Legal Action Center, 2004), 10.23 .Ibid.24 .Harry Holzer, Steven Raphael, and Michael Stoll, “Will Employers Hire Ex-Offenders? Employer Preferences, Background Checks and Their Determinants,” in The Impact of Incarceration on Families and Communities, ed. Mary Pattillo, David Weiman, and Bruce Western (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2002).25 .Employers Group Research Services, “Employment of Ex-Offenders: A Survey of Employers’ Policies and Practices,” San Francisco: SF Works, Apr. 12, 2002.26 .Jeremy Travis, Amy Solomon, and Michelle Waul, From Prison to Home: The Dimensions and Consequences of Prisoner Reentry(Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2001); and Amy Hirsch et al., Every Door Closed: Barriers Facing Parents with Criminal Records (Washington, DC: Center for Law and Social Policy and Community Legal Services, 2002).27 .Keith Ihlanfeldt and David Sjoquist, “The Spatial Mismatch Hypothesis: A Review of Recent Studies and Their Implications for Welfare Reform,” Housing Policy Debate 9, no. 4 (1998): 849; and Michael Stoll, Harry Holzer, and Keith Ihlanfeldt, “Within Cities and Suburbs: Employment Decentralization, Neighborhood Composition, and Employment Opportunities for White and Minority Workers,” Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, Spring 2000.28528 .Harry Holzer et al., “Employer Demand for Ex-Offenders: Recent Evidence from Los Angeles,” Mar. 2003, unpublished manuscript.29 .Wilson, When Work Disappears, 40.30 .Andrew Jacobs, “Crime-Ridden Newark Tries Getting Jobs for Ex-Convicts, but finds Success Elusive,” New York Times, Apr. 27, 2008.31 .Wilson, When Work Disappears, 41.32 .Harry Holzer and Robert LaLonde, “Job Stability and Job Change Among Young Unskilled Workers,” in Finding Jobs: Work and Welfare Reform, ed. David Card and Rebecca Blank (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2000); see also Joleen Kirshenman and Kathryn Neckerman, “We’d Love to Hire Them But …” in The Urban Underclass, ed. Christopher Jencks and Paul Peterson (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1991).33 .Ibid., 942.34 .Ibid., 962.35 .Bruce Western, Punishment and Inequality in America(New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006), 90.36 .Ibid., 91.37 .See Devah Pager, Marked: Race, Crime and Finding Work in an Era of Mass Incarceration (University of Chicago Press, 2007), 157; Steven Raphael, “Should Criminal History Records Be Universally Available?” (reaction essay) in Greg Pogarsky, “Criminal Records, Employment and Recidivism,” Criminology & Public Policy 5, no. 3 (Aug. 2006): 479–521; and Shawn Bushway, “Labor Market Effects of Permitting Employer Access to Criminal History Records,” Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice20 (2004): 276–91.38 .Michelle Natividad Rodriguez and Maurice Emsellem, 65 Million “Need Not Apply”: The Case for Reforming Criminal Background Checks for Employment (New York: National Employment Law Project, 2011), www.nelp.org/page/-/65_Million_Need_Not_Apply.pdf?nocdn=1.39 .Rebekah Diller, The Hidden Costs of Florida’s Criminal Justice Fees(New York: Brennan Center for Justice, 2010).40 .Kirsten Livingston, “Making the Bad Guy Pay: Growing Use of Cost Shifting as Economic Sanction,” in Prison Profiteers: Who Makes Money from Mass Incarceration, ed. Tara Herivel and Paul Wright (New York: The New Press, 2007), 61.41 .Ibid., 69, citing Ohio Rev. Code Ann. Sec. 2951.021 and Ohio Rev. Code Sec. 2951.021.42 .Alicia Bannon, Mitali Nagrecha, and Rebekah Diller, Criminal Justice Debt: A Barrier to Reentry (New York: Brennan Center for Justice, 2010).43 .Rachel L. McLean and Michael D. Thompson, Repaying Debts (New York: Council of State Governments Justice Center, 2007).44 .”Out of Prison and Deep in Debt,” editorial, New York Times, Oct. 6, 2007.45 .Bannon, Nagrecha, and Diller, Criminal Justice Debt.28646 .Ibid.47 .Livingston, “Making the Bad Guy Pay,” 55.48 .Ibid.49 .See Legal Action Center, “Opting Out of Federal Ban on Food Stamps and TANF: Summary of State Laws,” www.lac.org/toolkits/TANF/TANF.htm.50 .Ryan S. King, Felony Disenfranchisement Laws in the United States (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2008).51 .Laleh Ispahani, Out of Step with the World: An Analysis of Felony Disenfranchisement in the U.S. and Other Democracies(New York: American Civil Liberties Union, 2006), 4.52 .Ibid.53 .Ibid., 6.54 .See Laleh Ispahani and Nick Williams, Purged!(New York: American Civil Liberties Union, 2004); and Alec Ewald, A Crazy Quilt of Tiny Pieces: State and Local Administration of American Criminal Disenfranchisement Law (Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 2005).55 .Sasha Abramsky, Conned: How Millions Went to Prison, Lost the Vote, and Helped Send George W. Bush to the White House (New York: The New Press, 2006), 224.56 .Ibid.57 .Gail Russell Chaddock, “U.S. Notches World’s Highest Incarceration Rate,” Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 18, 2003.58 .Abramsky, Conned, 207.59 .Ibid., 207–8.60 .Ibid.61 .Christopher Uggen and Jeff Manza, “Democratic Contraction? Political Consequences of Felon Disenfranchisement in the United States,” American Sociological Review 67 (2002): 777.62 .Manza and Uggen, Locked Out, 137.63 .Abramsky, Conned, 206–7.64 .See Kathryn Russell-Brown, The Color of Crime: Racial Hoaxes, White Fear, Black Protectionism, Police Harassment, and Other Macroaggressions (New York: New York University Press, 1998), coining the term criminalblackman.65 .Manza and Uggen, Locked Out, 154.66 .Ibid., 152.67 .Human Rights Watch, No Second Chance, 79.68 .Willie Thompson, interviewed by Guylando A.M. Moreno, Mar. 2008, Cincinnati, OH.69 .Abramsky, Conned, 140.70 .Donald Braman, Doing Time on the Outside: Incarceration and Family Life in Urban America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004), 219.71 .Ibid., 3, citing data from D.C. Department of Corrections (2000).28772 .See Todd R. Clear, Imprisoning Communities: How Mass Incarceration Makes Disadvantaged Neighborhoods Worse (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 121–48.73 .See, e.g., Steve Liss, No Place for Children: Voices from Juvenile Detention (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005). Stories include youth describing the verbal abuse they receive from their parents.74 .Braman, Doing Time on the Outside, 171.75 .Ibid., 219, fn. 2.76 .See Deborah A. Prentice and Dale T. Miller, “Pluralistic Ignorance and Alcohol Use on Campus: Some Consequences of Misperceiving the Social Norm,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 64, no. 2 (1993): 243–56.77 .Braman, Doing Time on the Outside, 216.78 .Cathy Cohen, The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 287.79 .Braman, Doing Time on the Outside, 174.80 .Ibid., 184.81 .Ibid., 185.82 .Ibid., 186.83 .Ibid.84 .Gerald Sider, “Against Experience: The Struggles for History, Tradition, and Hope Among a Native American People,” in Between History and Histories, ed. Gerald Sider and Gavin Smith (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 74–75.85 .Braman, Doing Time on the Outside, 220.86 .Ibid.87 .James Thomas Sears, Growing Up Gay in the South: Race, Gender, and Journeys of the Spirit (New York: Routledge, 1991), 257.88 .Victor M. Rios, “The Hyper-Criminalization of Black and Latino Male Youth in the Era of Mass Incarceration,” unpublished manuscript on file with author.89 .Robert Toll, Blacking Up: The Minstrel Show in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 227.90 .Ibid., 258.91 .Mel Watkins, On the Real Side: Laughing, Lying and Signifying: The Underground Tradition of African-American Humor That Transformed American Culture, from Slavery to Richard Pryor (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), 124–29.92 .Ibid.; see also Toll, Blacking Up, 226.5. The New Jim Crow1 .Michael Eric Dyson, “Obama’s Rebuke of Absentee Black Fathers,” Time, June 19, 2008.2 .Sam Roberts, “51% of Women Now Living with a Spouse, New York Times, Jan. 16, 2007.2883 .See Jonathan Tilove, “Where Have All the Men Gone? Black Gender Gap Is Widening,” Seattle Times, May 5, 2005; and Jonathan Tilove, “Where Have All the Black Men Gone?” Star-Ledger(Newark), May 8, 2005.4 .Ibid.5 .Cf. Salim Muwakkil, “Black Men: Missing,” In These Times, June 16, 2005.6 .G. Garvin, “Where Have the Black Men Gone?” Ebony, Dec. 2006.7 .One in eleven black adults was under correctional supervision at year end 2007, or approximately 2.4 million people. See Pew Center on the States, One in 31: The Long Reach of American Corrections(Washington, DC: Pew Charitable Trusts, 2009). According to the 1850 Census, approximately 1.7 million adults (ages 15 and older) were slaves.8 .See Andrew J. Cherlin, Marriage, Divorce, Remarriage, rev. ed. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 110.9 .See Glenn C. Loury, Race, Incarceration, and American Values (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008), commentary by Pam Karlan.10 .Stanley Cohen, States of Denial: Knowing About Atrocities and Suffering (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2001), 4–5.11 .Iris Marilyn Young, Inclusion and Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 92–99.12 .Marilyn Frye, “Oppression,” in The Politics of Reality (Trumansburg, NY: Crossing Press, 1983).13 .See Marc Mauer and Meda Chesney-Lind, eds., Invisible Punishment: The Collateral Consequences of Mass Imprisonment (New York: The New Press, 2002); and Jeremy Travis, But They All Come Back: Facing the Challenges of Prisoner Reentry (Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press, 2005).14 .Negley K. Teeters and John D. Shearer, The Prison at Philadelphia, Cherry Hill: The Separate System of Prison Discipline, 1829–1913 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), 84.15 .See David Musto, The American Disease: Origins of Narcotics Control, 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 4, 7, 43–44, 219–20, describing the role of racial bias in earlier drug wars; and Doris Marie Provine, Unequal Under Law: Race in the War on Drugs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 37–90, describing racial bias in alcohol prohibition, as well as other drug wars.16 .Mary Pattillo, David F. Weiman, and Bruce Western, Imprisoning America: The Social Effect of Mass Incarceration (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2004), 2.17 .Paul Street, The Vicious Circle: Race, Prison, Jobs, and Community in Chicago, Illinois, and the Nation (Chicago: Chicago Urban League, Department of Research and Planning, 2002).18 .Street, Vicious Circle, 3.19 .Alden Loury, “Black Offenders Face Stiffest Drug Sentences,” Chicago Reporter, Sept. 12, 2007.28920 .Ibid.21 .Street, Vicious Circle, 15.22 .Donald G. Lubin et al., Chicago Metropolis 2020: 2006 Crime and Justice Index, (Washington, DC: Pew Center on the States, 2006), 5, www.pewcenteronthestates.org/report_detail.aspx?id=33022.23 .Report of the Illinois Disproportionate Justice Impact Study Commission, Dec. 2010, available at www.centerforhealthandjustice.org/DJIS_ExecSumm_FINAL.pdf.24 .Lubin et al., Chicago Metropolis 2020, 37.25 .Ibid., 35.26 .Ibid., 3; see also Bruce Western, Punishment and Inequality in America (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006), 12.27 .Street, Vicious Circle, 3.28 .Ibid.29 .Ibid.30 .See chapter 1, p. 61, which describes the view that President Ronald Reagan’s appeal derived primarily from the “emotional distress of those who fear or resent the Negro, and who expect Reagan somehow to keep him ‘in his place’ or at least echo their own anger and frustration.”31 .For an excellent discussion of the history of felon disenfranchisement laws, as well as their modern day impact, see Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen, Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).32 .Cotton v. Fordice, 157 F.3d 388, 391 (5th Cir. 1998); see also Martine J. Price, Note and Comment: Addressing Ex-Felon Disenfranchisement: Legislation v. Litigation, Brooklyn Journal of Law and Policy 11 (2002): 369, 382–83.33 .See Jamie Fellner and Marc Mauer, Losing the Vote: The Impact of Felony Disenfranchisement Laws in the United States(Washington, DC: Sentencing Project, 1998).34 .Loury, Race, Incarceration, and American Values, 4835 .See Eric Lotke and Peter Wagner, “Prisoners of the Census: Electoral and Financial Consequences of Counting Prisoners Where They Go, Not Where They Come From,” Pace Law Review 24 (2004): 587, available at www.prisonpolicy.org/pace.pdf.36 .See Batson v. Kentucky 476 U.S. 79 (1986), discussed in chapter 3, p. 146.37 .See Purkett v. Elm, 514 U.S. 765 discussed in chapter 3, p. 150.38 .Brian Kalt, “The Exclusion of Felons from Jury Service,” American University Law Review 53 (2003): 65.39 .See Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (How. 19) 393 (1857).40 .Travis, But They All Come Back, 132.41 .Peter Wagner, “Prisoners of the Census”; for more information, see www.prisonersofthecensus.org.29042 .Travis, But They All Come Back, 281, citing James Lynch and William Sabol, Prisoner Reentry in Perspective, Crime Policy Report, vol. 3 (Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2001).43 .Dina R. Rose, Todd R. Clear, and Judith A. Ryder, Drugs, Incarcerations, and Neighborhood Life: The Impact of Reintegrating Offenders into the Community (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, 2002).44 .Sudhir Alladi Venkatesh, The Robert Taylor Homes Relocation Study (New York: Center for Urban Research and Policy, Columbia University, 2002).45 .Street, Vicious Circle, 16.46 .Ibid., 17.47 .Keynote address by Paula Wolff at Annual Luncheon for Appleseed Fund for Justice and Chicago Council of Lawyers, Oct. 7, 2008, www.chicagometropolis2020.org/10_25.htm.48 .Katherine Beckett and Theodore Sasson, The Politics of Injustice: Crime and Punishment in America (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2004), 36, citing Mercer Sullivan, Getting Paid: Youth Crime and Work in the Inner City (New York: Cornell University Press, 1989).49 .Ibid.50 .Loïc Wacquant, “The New ‘Peculiar Institution’: On the Prison as Surrogate Ghetto,” Theoretical Criminology 4, no. 3 (2000): 377–89.51 .See, e.g., Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).52 .Whites are far more likely than African Americans to complete college, and college graduates are more likely to have tried illicit drugs in their lifetime when compared to adults who have not completed high school. See U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Findings from the 2000 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (Rockville, MD: 2001). Adults who have not completed high school are disproportionately African American.53 .Devah Pager, Marked: Race, Crime, and Finding Work in an Era of Mass Incarceration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 90–91, 146–47.54 .John Edgar Wideman, “Doing Time, Marking Race,” The Nation, Oct. 30, 1995.55 .See Julia Cass and Connie Curry, America’s Cradle to Prison Pipeline (New York: Children’s Defense Fund, 2007).56 .James Forman Jr., “Children, Cops and Citizenship: Why Conservatives Should Oppose Racial Profiling,” in Invisible Punishment, ed. Mauer and Lind, 159.57 .Wideman, “Doing Time, Marking Race.”58 .See discussion of stigma in chapter 4.59 .See, e.g., Charles Ogletree and Austin Sarat, eds., From Lynch Mobs to the Killing State: Race and the Death Penalty in America (New York: New York University 291Press, 2006); and Joy James, The New Abolitionists: (Neo) Slave Narratives and Contemporary Prison Writings (New York: State University of New York Press, 2005).60 .See discussion of polling data in chapter 3.61 .Glenn C. Loury, The Anatomy of Racial Inequality(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 82.62 .Ibid., 82–83.63 .Craig Reinarman, “The Crack Attack: America’s Latest Drug Scare, 1986–1992” in Images of Issues: Typifying Contemporary Social Problems (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1995), 162.64 .Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, rev. ed. (New York: The New Press, 2006), 150.65 .Ibid., 15166 .Ibid.67 .See Musto, American Disease, 4, 7, 43–44, 219–20; and Doris Marie Provine, Unequal Under Law, 37–9068 .Eric Schlosser, “Reefer Madness,” Atlantic Monthly, Aug. 1994, 49.69 .Mauer, Race to Incarcerate, 149.70 .The most compelling version of this argument has been made by Randall Kennedy in Race, Crime and the Law (New York: Vintage Books, 1997).71 .Tracy Meares, “Charting Race and Class Differences in Attitudes Toward Drug Legalization and Law Enforcement: Lessons for Federal Criminal Law,” Buffalo Criminal Law Review 1 (1997): 137; Stephen Bennett and Alfred Tuchfarber, “The Social Structural Sources of Cleavage on Law and Order Policies,” American Journal of Political Science19 (1975): 419–38; and Sandra Browning and Ligun Cao, “The Impact of Race on Criminal Justice Ideology,” Justice Quarterly 9 (Dec. 1992): 685–99.72 .Meares, “Charting Race and Class Differences,” 157.73 .Glenn Loury, “Listen to the Black Community,” Public Interest, Sept. 22, 1994, 35.74 .Meares, “Charting Race and Class Differences,” 160–61.75 .See William Julius Wilson, When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor (New York: Vintage Books, 1997), 22, citing Delbert Elliott study.76 .W.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903; New York: Bantam, 1989), TK.77 .See Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The Women’s Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880–1920(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), 188.78 .Ibid. See also Karen Ferguson, Black Politics in New Deal Atlanta (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 5–11; and Randall Kennedy, Race, Crime and the Law (New York: Vintage Books, 1997), 17.79 .Ferguson, Black Politics in New Deal Atlanta, 5.80 .Ibid., 192.81 .Ibid.29282 .Ibid., 9.83 .Ibid., 13.84 .Glenn C. Loury, Race, Incarceration and American Values (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008), 81, commentary by Tommie Shelby.85 .See Troy Duster, “Pattern, Purpose, and Race in the Drug War: The Crisis of Credibility in Criminal Justice,” in Crack in America: Demon Drugs and Social Justice, ed. Craig Reinarman and Harry G. Levine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).86 .Loïc Wacquant, “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration: Rethinking the Race Question,” New Left Review, Jan.–Feb. 2002, 53.87 .john a. powell, Executive Director of the Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity, personal communication, Jan. 2007.6. The Fire This Time1 .Salim Muwakkil, “Jena and the Post–Civil Rights Fallacy,” In These Times, Oct. 16, 2007.2 .Democracy Now, “Rev. Al Sharpton: Jena Marks ‘Beginning of a 21st Century Rights Movement,’” Sept. 21, 2007, www.democracynow.org/shows/2007/9/21.3 .See Derrick Bell, “Serving Two Masters: Integration Ideals and Client Interests in School Desegregation Litigation,” Yale Law Journal 85 (1976): 470.4 .Lani Guinier, Lift Every Voice (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998), 220–21.5 .Ibid., 222.6 .See Michael Klarman, “The Racial Origins of Modern Criminal Procedure,” Michigan Law Review 99 (2000): 48, 86; Dan Carter, Scottsboro: A Tragedy of the American South, 2d ed. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979), 52–53; and Mark Tushnet, Making Civil Rights Law: Thurgood Marshall and the Supreme Court, 1936–1969 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 28–29.7 .Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), 43.8 .Martin Luther King Jr. and Claybourne Carson, The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Grand Central, 2001), 44.9 .See Abby Rapoport, “The Work That Remains: A Forty-Year Update of the Kerner Commission Report,” Economic Policy Institute, Nov. 19, 2008.10 .Bruce Western, Punishment and Inequality in America(New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006), 97.11 .Ibid., 90.12 .Ibid., 91.13 .In 1972, the total rate of incarceration (prison and jail) was approximately 160 per 100,000. Today, it is about 760 per 100,000. A reduction of 79 percent would be needed to get back to the 160 figure—itself a fairly high number when judged by international standards.29314 .Marc Mauer, Race to Incarcerate (New York: The New Press, 1999), 11.15 .Christopher Sherman, “Cheney, Gonzales, Indicted Over Prisons,” Washington Times, Nov. 19, 2008.16 .U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, Corrections Corporation of America, Form 10K for the fiscal year ended Dec. 31, 2005.17 .Silja J.A. Talvi, “On the Inside with the American Correctional Association,” in Prison Profiteers: Who Makes Money from Mass Incarceration, ed. Tara Herivel and Paul Wright (New York: The New Press, 2007).18 .Stephanie Chen, “Larger Inmate Population Is Boon to Private Prisons,” Wall Street Journal, Nov. 28, 2008.19 .See generally Herivel and Wright, Prison Profiteers. For an excellent discussion of how surplus capital, labor, and land helped to birth the prison industry in rural America, see Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).20 .For more information on racial impact statements, see Marc Mauer, “Racial Impact Statements as a Means of Reducing Unwarranted Sentencing Disparities,” Ohio State Journal of Criminal Law 5 (2007): 19.21 .Guinier, Lift Every Voice, 223.22 .Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States from the 1960s to the 1990s (New York: Routledge, 1994), 84–88.23 .Gerald Rosenberg, The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 52.24 .Michael Klarman, “Brown, Racial Change, and the Civil Rights Movement,” Virginia Law Review 80 (1994): 7, 9.25 .See ibid., arguing that Brown was “merely a ripple” with only a “negligible effect” on the South and civil rights advocacy.26 .See David Garrow, “Hopelessly Hollow History: Revisionist Devaluing of Brown v. Board of Education,” Virginia Law Review 80 (1994): 151, persuasively making the case that Brownwas a major inspiration to civil rights activists and provoked a fierce white backlash.27 .Western, Punishment and Inequality in America, 5, 187; William Spelman, “The Limited Importance of Prison Expansion,” in The Crime Drop in America, ed. Alfred Blumstein and Joel Wallman (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 97–129; and Todd R. Clear, Imprisoning Communities: How Mass Incarceration Makes Disadvantaged Neighborhoods Worse (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 41–48.28 .See, e.g., Clear, Imprisoning Communities, 3.29 .See, e.g., Chris Smith, “On the Block,” American Prospect, Jan.–Feb. 2011, 6–8.30 .Jeffrey Reiman makes a similar argument in The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison, 8th ed. (New York: Allyn & Bacon, 2006), although he mostly ignores the distinctive role of race in structuring the criminal justice system.29431 .See “Study Finds Whites Anxious About Race,” Bryant Park Project, National Public Radio, Dec. 3, 2007.32 .Fox Butterfield, “With Cash Tight, States Reassess Long Jail Terms,” New York Times, Nov. 10, 2003.33 .Marc Mauer, “State Sentencing Reforms: Is the ‘Get Tough’ Era Coming to a Close?” Federal Sentencing Reporter 15, no. 1 (Oct. 2002).34 .Abby Goodnough, “Relaxing Marijuana Law Has Some Nervous,” New York Times, Dec. 18, 2008, noting that eleven states have decriminalized first-time possession of marijuana.35 .For example, the ballot argument drafted by civil rights groups opposed to Proposition 54, a 2003 California ballot initiative that would have banned the collection of racial data by the state government, read: “We all want a colorblind society. But we won’t get there by banning information.”36 .Martin Luther King Jr., Strength to Love(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1963), 45–48.37 .Ibid., 31–32.38 .See Mary Frances Berry, “Vindicating Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Road to a Color-Blind Society,” Journal of Negro History81, no. 1–4 (Winter–Autumn 1996): 137, 140.39 .Stephen Steinberg, Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1995), 167.40 .Fred L. Pincus, Reverse Discrimination: Dismantling the Myth (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003).41 .Eisenhower Foundation, What Together We Can Do: A Forty Year Update of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorder: Executive Summary, Preliminary Findings and Recommendations (Washington, DC: Eisenhower Foundation, 2008).42 .For an analysis of the impact of incarceration on unemployment, poverty, and education, see Western, Punishment and Inequality in America, 83–131.43 .Jesse Rothstein and Albert Yoon, “Affirmative Action in Law School Admissions: What Do Racial Preferences Do?” National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, Aug. 2008, www.nber.org/papers/w14276.44 .Steinberg, Turning Back, 195–96.45 .Martin Luther King Jr., “A Testament of Hope,” in A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: HarperCollins, 1986), 321.46 .Ibid., 315.47 .Lani Guinier and Gerald Torres, The Miner’s Canary: Enlisting Race, Resisting Power, Transforming Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), 114.48 .Ibid.49 .Sentencing Project, “2008 Leading Presidential Candidates’ Platforms on Criminal Justice Policy,” Mar. 24, 2008, www.sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/publications/Presidential%20Candidates%27%20Platforms%20-%20Spreadsheet%207%2018%2008.pdf.29550 .Drew Harwell, “Obama’s Drug Use Debated,” CBS News, UWIRE.com, Feb. 12, 2008.51 .Obama promised to increase Byrne funds when running for president. See David Hunt, “Obama Fields Questions on Jacksonville Crime,” Florida-Times Union, Sept. 22, 2008. Once elected, he made good on his promise, drastically increasing funding for the drug war. See “Federal Budget: Economic Stimulus Bill Stimulates Drug War, Too,” Drug War Chronicle, no. 573 (Feb. 20, 2009); Michelle Alexander, “Obama’s Drug War,” The Nation, Dec. 9, 2010 (noting that the 2009 economic stimulus package included a twelvefold increase in financing for Byrne programs).52 .See Charles Blow, “Smoke and Horrors,” New York Times, Oct. 22, 2010, www.nytimes.com/2010/10/23/opinion/23blow.html.53 .Ibid.54 .United States Government Accountability Office, Report to the Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Community Policing Grants: COPS Grants Were a Modest Contribution to Decline in Crime in 1990s, GAO-06-104, Oct. 2005, www.gao.gov/new/items/d06104.pdf.55 .John L. Worrall and Tomislav V. Kovandzic, “COPS Grants and Crime Revisited,” Criminology 45, no. 1 (Feb. 2007): 159–90.56 .Gary Fields, “White House Czar Calls for End of ‘War on Drugs,’” Wall Street Journal, May 24, 2009; see also Office of National Drug Control Policy, White House Drug Control Budget, FY2010 Funding Highlights (May 2009).57 .Guinier and Torres, Miner’s Canary, 118.58 .Ibid.59 .See Lani Guinier, “From Racial Liberalism to Racial Literacy: Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Divergence Dilemma,” Journal of American History 92 (June 2004): 103, citing C. Arnold Anderson, “Social Class Differentials in the Schooling of Youth Within the Regions and Community-Size Groups of the United States,” Social Forces 25 (May 1947): 440, 436; and C. Arnold Anderson, “Inequalities in Schooling in the South,” American Journal of Sociology 60 (May 1955): 549, 553, 557.60 .W.E.B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (New York: Free Press, 1935), 700.61 .Guinier, “Racial Liberalism,” 102. See also Beth Roy, Bitters in the Honey: Tales of Hope and Disappointment Across Divides of Race and Time (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1999), 318; and Pete Daniel, Lost Revolutions: The South in the 1950s(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 270.62 .See Derrick Bell, “Brown v. Board of Educationand the Interest-Convergence Dilemma,” Harvard Law Review 93 (1980): 518, 525; David J. Armor, Forced Justice: School Desegregation and the Law (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 174–93, 206–7; and Robert J. Norrell, “Labor at the Ballot Box: Alabama Politics from the 296New Deal to the Dixiecrat Movement,” Journal of Southern History 57 (May 1991): 201, 227, 233, 234.63 .W.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903; New York: Bantam, 1989).64 .For a more detailed exploration of Martin Luther King Jr.’s journey from civil rights to human rights, see Thomas F. Jackson, From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Struggle for Economic Justice(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); and Stewart Burns, To the Mountaintop: Martin Luther King Jr.’s Sacred Mission to Save America (New York: Harper One, 2005).65 .For background on the nature, structure, and history of human rights, see Cynthia Soohoo et al., eds., Bringing Human Rights Home, vol. 1 (New York: Praeger, 2007).66 .Stewart Burns, “America, You Must Be Born Again,” Sojourners 33, no. 1, (Jan. 2004): 14.67 .James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time (New York: Vintage, 1962, 1993), 5–10.297Indexaffirmative action, 9–10 , 240 , 244–51 , 255 , 257and black exceptionalism, 247–49and colorblindness, 240 , 244–51and minority police officers/police chiefs, 249–51and poor and working-class whites, 256–57Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), 57Alexander v. Sandoval, 137–38All of Us or None, 152 , 162 , 255American Apartheid (Massey and Denton), 124American Bar Association (ABA), 85–86 , 93 , 115 , 142–43American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)class action lawsuit against California Highway Patrol, 138Drug Law Reform Project, 11Racial Justice Project, 3–4 , 9American Correctional Association, 231The American Dilemma (Myrdal), 36The Anatomy of Racial Inequality (Loury), 205Andrade, Leandro, 91Angelos, Weldon, 92Anti-Drug Abuse Act (1986/1988), 53–54 , 87 , 145Arbitrary Justice: The Power of the American Prosecutor(Davis), 115Armstrong, Christopher Lee, 115–17Armstrong v. United States, 114–19Atlanta, Georgia, 213–14Atwater v. City of Lago Vista, 69The Audacity of Hope (Obama), 238Bacon’s Rebellion, 24Baldus, David, and Baldus study, 110 , 111–12Baldwin, James, 261Ball, Johnny Lee, 86Ban the Box campaigns, 152–53Banks, Tyra, 180Barker, Vanessa, 42Bascuas, Ricardo, 70–71Batson v. Kentucky, 119–22, 194Beckett, Katherine, 45Bell, Derrick, 225 , 257Bennett, Lerone, Jr., 23 , 217–18bias, racial, 185–86implicit/explicit (conscious/ unconscious), 106–8 , 118–19and plea bargaining, 117and prosecutors, 114–19Biden, Joe, 252298″birdcage” metaphor and structural racism, 184–85black churches, 166–67black codes and vagrancy laws, 28–29black exceptionalism, 14 , 247–49Blackmon, Douglas, 31 , 32blaxploitation, 173Blow, Charles, 253Blumenson, Eric, 78 , 80Boggs Act (1951), 207Bostick, Terrance, 64–66Boyd, Marcus, 92Braman, Donald, 164–65 , 169Brennan, Justice William, 112British Society for the Abolition of Slavery, 259–60Brown, James, 67Brown v. Board of Education, 35, 36–37, 40, 225, 235, 256–57Brownsville, Brooklyn, 135Bryant, Scott, 76Burton, Susan, 149Bush, George H.W., 54–55 , 77 , 160Bush, George W., 83–84 , 160 , 253Byrd, Robert, 42Byrne grant program, 73–74 , 80 , 83–84 , 253Cahill, Clyde, 113–14California Highway Patrol (CHP), 71 , 138California v. Acevedo, 62California’s Proposition 36 , 239California’s Proposition 54, 294n35Campbell, Richard, 105Capital Times (Madison, Wisconsin), 77Carroll, David, 86Carrollton bus disaster (1988), 206Cato Institute, 74Center for Constitutional Rights, 136Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 5–6Chain Reaction (Edsall and Edsall), 46Charney, Darius, 136Chemerinsky, Erwin, 91Cheney, Dick, 230Chicago, Illinoiscriminal courts and low-level drug cases, 102ex-offenders, 188–90 , 196police presence in ghetto communities, 125re-entry programs, 196child-support debts, 155chokeholds, lethal, 128–29Chunn, Gwendolyn, 231Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act (2000), 81–83Civil Rights Act (1866), 29Civil Rights Act (1964), 15 , 38 , 39 , 43 , 225Title VI, 137–38Title VII, 153civil rights and racial justice advocacy, future of, 9–12 , 221–61changing the culture of law enforcement, 232–33collective denial by civil rights advocates, 223–29dismantling the mass incarceration system, 230–36and flawed public consensus, 234–36grassroots activism by formerly incarcerated men and women, 255human rights paradigm/approach, 258–60Obama presidency, 2–3 , 251–55and the politics of respectability, 225–28poor and working-class whites, 256–57and problem of colorblind advocacy, 236–40 , 242 , 248–49reconsidering affirmative action, 9–10 , 240 , 244–51 , 257reform work and movement building, 9–12 , 230–36reluctance to advocate on behalf of criminals, 226–28and sentencing, 115and trickle-down theories of racial justice, 249 , 254 , 255299Civil Rights Movement, 37–43, 188–89, 235, 258–60backlash against, 22 , 40–43 , 51 , 218–19and black people who defied racial stereotypes, 227desegregation protests, 37and economic justice, 37–38and end of Jim Crow system, 37–40and federal legislation, 38and human rights approach, 258–60initial resistance from some African Americans, 210–11and King’s call for complete restructuring of society, 39 , 249 , 260Poor People’s Movement, 39–40 , 258–60civil rights organizations/community, 9–11 , 223–29collective denial by, 223–29professionalization and conversion of grassroots movement into legal crusade, 225–26reluctance to advocate on behalf of criminals, 226–28See also civil rights and racial justice advocacy, future ofClary, Edward, 112–14Clear, Todd R., 237Clinton, Bill/Clinton administration, 56–57 , 228federal drug programs, 253marijuana use, 251militarization of War on Drugs, 77 , 253public housing and eviction rules, 57 , 145″tough on crime” policies/legislation, 56–57 , 145 , 252and War on Drugs, 56–57 , 77 , 145 , 252–53welfare reform legislation, 56–57 , 157Cloward, Richard, 38cognitive bias research, 106–8 , 117–19Cohen, Cathy, 166–67Cohen, Stanley, 182Cohen, William, 28Cole, David, 71–72 , 128Coley, Rebekah Levine, 179colorblindness, 2 , 100–101 , 183 , 204–5 , 236–44and affirmative action, 240 , 244–51and black exceptionalism, 14 , 247–49and “interracial racial caste system,” 204–5and mass incarceration, 236–38 , 248problem of flawed pursuit of, 240–44Reagan’s racialized campaign rhetoric, 48resisting temptation to ignore race in advocacy, 238–40 , 242and U.S. Constitution, 25–26and whites’ reluctance to acknowledge race, 238–39 , 248–49Colvin, Claudette, 227Common (rap artist), 174Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program, 253Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevent and Control Act (1970), 78 , 207Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), 10 , 54consent searches and traffic stops, 64–67 , 68–69 , 138 , 185conservative philosophy of race relations (Reconstruction era), 32–34conspiracy theories and War on Drugs, 5–6Constitution, U.S., 25–26. See also individual amendmentsconvict leasing, 156–57Corporation for Supportive Housing in New York State, 148Corrections Corporation of America, 230–31Cosby, Bill, 164 , 170 , 178Cotton, Jarvious, 1, 263n1crack cocaine, 5–6 , 51–54 , 105conspiracy theories, 5–6and drunk driving campaigns, 206300hundred-to-one ratio, 112–14, 139, 282n119and mandatory minimum sentencing, 53–54, 90, 92, 93, 139, 282n119media campaign, 5, 50, 52–53, 105–6, 263n2national responses to, 51–52and outdoor drug activity/open-air drug markets, 126–27and prosecutors’ extraordinary discretion, 114–19and racially discriminatory sentencing, 53–54 , 112–14 , 139and Reagan’s drug war, 5 , 51–54 , 206Craigslist.com, 153–54crime and “get tough” policies, 54–58 , 208–17black reformers and moral uplift ideology, 214–17black support for, 42 , 208–17and Clinton administration, 56–57 , 145 , 252mandatory minimum sentencing, 53–54 , 87–93 , 139and mass incarceration system, 55–56and pedestrian stop-and-frisk patterns, 136and white voters, 54crime rates, 7–8 , 41 , 99–100 , 239 , 240crime reduction and incarceration rates, 8 , 236–38drug crime, 99–100and joblessness, 210in the 1960s, 41violent crime, 41 , 101 , 102 , 209 , 237″criminalblackman,” 107 , 162 , 199criminality. See stigma of criminalityCriminology (journal), 253Davis, Angela J., 115death penaltyBaldus study findings, 110and drug-related offenses, 53–54and legal advocacy, 226–27and Obama, 252racial bias in sentencing, 109–12Declaration of Independence, 26deindustrialization, 50–51Democratic Party, 42–47 , 54 , 56–57denial, collective, 181–85 , 223–29″birdcage” metaphor and structural racism, 184–85by civil rights advocates, 223–29and mass incarceration of black men, 181–85Denton, Nancy, 124Diallo, Amadou, 135disenfranchisement. See voting rightsDistrict of Columbia Court of Appeals, 65dogs, drug-sniffing, 69Doing Time on the Outside (Braman), 164Douglas, Justice William O., 63–64Douglass, Frederick, 140 , 143 , 163 , 258Drake, Clinton, 159–60Dred Scott v. Sanford, 194, 241driver’s licenses, 150–51 , 156Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), 70–72antidrug spending, 49–50cash grants/federal aid to law enforcement, 73″drug-courier profiles,” 71–72Operation Pipeline, 70–71 , 133drug forfeiture laws, 78–84creation of an “innocent owner,” 82–83and police shakedowns and seizures, 80–84and Reform Act (2000), 81–83Drug Reform Act (1986), 90drug treatment, mandated, 89–90 , 158 , 233 , 239drug use, arrests, and conviction ratescities and demographic differences, 278n33class D felony possession charge, 189marijuana possession and felony arrests, 60 , 136 , 142prison admissions for drug offenses, 60, 98–102, 104, 118, 189, 196, 277n32301and rates of illegal drug use, 7, 99–100, 104, 197, 264nn10–11, 275–76n10, 276n11and whites, 98–99 , 117–18 , 189 , 196 , 207–8and youths, 99, 118, 190, 209, 264n11, 276n11″drug-courier profiles,” 71–72drug-law enforcement and racial discrimination, 97–139cognitive bias research, 106–8 , 117–19consent searches and traffic stops, 64–67 , 68–69 , 138 , 185crack cases, 53–54 , 112–14 , 139and drug forfeiture laws, 78–84″drug-courier profiles,” 71–72financial incentives to law enforcement, 72–74 , 77–84 , 232–33 , 253and Fourth Amendment, 61–69 , 108–9and ghettos, 124–26 , 132and jury selection, 119–23marijuana arrests and criminal databases, 136outdoor drug activity/open-air drug markets, 125–27paramilitary drug raids and police SWAT teams, 74–78 , 124–25 , 253police training programs, 70–72and police/police departments, 61–84 , 104–9 , 123–37pretext traffic stops, 66–69 , 70–72 , 80–81 , 138and prosecutorial discretion, 87–89 , 114–23race as factor in police decision making, 130–37racial profiling by police, 125 , 130–39racially discriminatory sentencing, 53–54, 90–93, 109–17, 139, 279n52, 279n56searches and seizures with unreasonable suspicion, 63–64sociological research on, 125–27Supreme Court and claims of racial bias, 108–19 , 128–31 , 137–39 , 193–94traffic stops, 108–9 , 130–37drunk driving, campaigns addressing, 205–7Du Bois, W.E.B., 20 , 28 , 211–12 , 217 , 256 , 257Dukakis, Michael, 54 , 160Dyson, Michael Eric, 179Ebony magazine, 179–80Economic Opportunities Bill (1964), 39Economic Recovery and Reinvestment Act (2009), 84 , 253Edsall, Mary, 46 , 47 , 48–49Edsall, Thomas, 46 , 47 , 48–49education and racial caste system, 190 , 246Eighth Amendment, 90 , 110 , 111–12Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, 113–14 , 122–23Eleventh Amendment, 130Emancipation Proclamation, 20 , 235Emanuel, Rahm, 252The Emerging Republican Majority (Phillips), 44–45employmentand driver’s licenses, 150–51 , 156EEOC guidelines and hiring discrimination, 153–54and ex-criminal offenders, 148–54 , 189–90joblessness and violent crime rates, 41 , 210manufacturing jobs and deindustrialization, 50–51the “negative credential” and system of state-sponsored stratification, 151in prisons, 157service-sector jobs, 51unemployment/joblessness, 41 , 50–51 , 152 , 218 , 228–29Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) guidelines in hiring discrimination, 153–54302Erlichman, John, 44Erwin, Sam, Jr., 37European countriesdrug decriminalization and treatment/ prevention (Portugal), 51–52voting rights and prison populations, 158–59ex-felons and ex-offenders. See post-prison release (ex-offenders)Fair Sentencing Act (2010), 282n119Farrakhan, Louis, 178fathers, black, 178–80Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), antidrug funding, 49–50Federalism, 26felony disenfranchisement. See voting rightsFerguson, Karen, 214Fields, C. Virginia, 76Fifteenth Amendment, 29–30 , 180 , 192 , 201The Fire Next Time (Baldwin), 261Flavor of Love (VH1), 173Florida v. Bostick, 64–66Forman, James, Jr., 200Fourteenth Amendment, 194and crack sentencing, 113and death penalty sentencing, 109–12and jury exclusion, 119–20 , 194and police traffic stops, 131and racially discriminatory law enforcement, 109 , 128Fourth Amendment, 61–69 , 108–9 , 232Freedmen’s Bureau, 29 , 30–31Frye, Marilyn, 184Futterman, Craig, 125gang databases, 136–37″gangsta culture,” 169–72gender gap (black men and women), 179–80genocide and War on Drugs, 6 , 219Gideon v. Wainwright, 85globalization, 50Goldwater, Barry, 42 , 45–46Goodwill Industries, 151Great Depression, 44Guinier, Lani, 225–26 , 249–50 , 254 , 256Haldeman, H.R., 44Harlem riots (1964), 41–42Harmelin v. Michigan, 90Harwood, Richard, 53Higginbotham, Evelyn Brooks, 212Hill, Barbara, 147Hininger, Damon, 231Hispanics/Latinosand history of marijuana policy, 207prison admissions for drug offenses, 98–99and racial profiling in police traffic stops, 133–37rates of illegal drug use, 264n10, 275–76n10homelessness, 147–48 , 163housing, public, 53 , 57 , 144–48 , 190Housing and Urban Development (HUD), 145–46housing discrimination, 53 , 57 , 144–48 , 190human rights approach, 258–60Human Rights Watch, 98 , 99 , 163Hurley, Ora Lee, 156Imprisoning Communities: How Mass Incarceration Makes Disadvantaged Communities Worse (Clear), 237In re Gault (1967), 86incarceration. See mass incarceration system indentured servitude, 23–24indifference, racial, 203 , 241–42inner-city economic collapse, 50–51 , 218–19Irving, Lawrence, 92Jackson, Jesse, 221Jefferson, Thomas, 26″Jena 6,” 221–23Jim Crow systembirth of, 30–35 , 55 , 191black cooperation with, 210–11303and Civil Rights Movement, 37–40death of, 35–40 , 235minstrel shows, 173–75and passing, 167and the politics of respectability, 212–13and Supreme Court, 36 , 193–94voting rights and disenfranchisement, 1 , 160 , 192–93 , 201and World War II, 36See also mass incarceration and Jim Crow (parallels/differences)Johnson, Lyndon B., 38 , 39 , 45–46Johnson, Sheri Lynn, 122Johnson, Willie, 163–64Journal of Alcohol and Drug Education, 106juriesand felon exclusion, 121, 141, 193–94, 283n2and peremptory strikes, 120–23and prosecutors’ discretion, 120–23and “stereotypically black” defendants, 107, 279n50Supreme Court rulings governing jury selection, 119–23 , 193–94Justice Department, U.S., 252Bureau of Statistics, 94 , 230report on impact of bias in criminal justice system, 118and street crime, 49Justice Policy Institute, 56Karlan, Pamela, 193Kennedy, Justice Anthony, 93Kennedy, David, 51Kennedy, John F., 37–39Kerlikowske, Gil, 253Kilty, Keith, 23King, Martin Luther, III, 221King, Martin Luther, Jr., 27 , 41–42 , 188–89 , 203 , 218 , 258–60and affirmative action, 245call for complete restructuring of society, 39 , 249 , 260and civil rights litigation, 233–34on colorblindness and indifference, 241–42 , 248and human rights approach, 258–60and Poor People’s Movement, 39 , 258–60and Rosa Parks, 227Klarman, Michael, 44Kraska, Peter, 75Ku Klux Klan, 1 , 30 , 37 , 55 , 202 , 210 , 212Ku Klux Klan Acts, 29Lambright, Nshombi, 161Law & Order (television), 59, 86law enforcement. See drug-lawenforcement and racialdiscrimination; police/policedepartments and drug-lawenforcementLawrence, Charles, 246Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, 9Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, 9–10Lee, William, 147Levine, Harry, 53liberal philosophy of race relations (Reconstruction era), 32–33Lifeline program (Oakland), 237Lincoln, Abraham, 20Lockyer v. Andrade, 90–91Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD)databases for “gang-related” activity, 136–37and lethal chokeholds, 128–30Los Angeles Times, 84Loury, Glenn, 170 , 205 , 209Lyons, Adolph, 128–29Maclin, Tracey, 66Madison, James, 25Malcolm X, 255mandatory minimum sentencing, 53–54 , 87–93 , 139and Anti-Drug Abuse Act, 53–54and crack cocaine, 53–54, 90, 92, 93, 139, 282n119304judges’ protests, 92–93and plea bargaining, 87–89reform efforts, 14, 139, 233, 239, 282n119and Supreme Court, 90–92 , 93 , 139March on Washington for Jobs and Economic Freedom (1963), 38–39marijuanaand criminal databases, 136and deaths, 270n6decriminalization of, 233 , 239felony possession and arrests, 60, 136, 142, 270n6and mandatory sentencing guidelines, 92use by Clinton/Obama, 251–52and voting rights, 159–60white middle class users, 207–8white/black student users, 99Marshall, Prentiss, 66Marshall, Stanley, 92–93Marshall, Justice Thurgood, 61 , 66mass incarceration and Jim Crow (parallels/differences), 14–15 , 55 , 175 , 178–220and argument that race has always influenced the criminal justice system, 187–90black support for “get tough” policies on crime, 208–17collective denial, 181–85debates in black communities about underlying causes of mass incarceration, 212differences/limits of the analogy, 14–15 , 200–217exclusion from juries, 193–94legalized discrimination, 191–92and marginalization, 165 , 219origins, 191and overt racial hostility, 202–4parallels, 14–15 , 55 , 172 , 190–200political disenfranchisement, 192–93the politics of respectability, 212–17racial segregation, 195–97stereotypes about black men/fathers, 178–80Supreme Court’s pattern of responding to racial caste/claims of racial bias, 194the symbolic production of race, 197–200white victims, 204–8mass incarceration system, 2–4 , 7–9 , 11–12 , 185–87and absence of black men/black fathers, 179–80arguments that race has always influenced the criminal justice system, 187–90collective denial of, 181–85and colorblindness, 236–38 , 248and crime reduction statistics, 8 , 236–38final stage (period of invisible punishment), 186–87first stage, 185incarceration rates, 6–9, 60, 98, 102, 230, 236–38, 265n20, 292n13origins of, 55–58people on probation and parole, 94–95 , 101–2prison profiteers, 230–32private prisons, 230–31reallocation of public resources toward, 57reform and dismantling of, 230–36 , 239second phase, 186size of, 8and stigma of criminality, 93–96 , 141 , 161–72 , 175–77 , 197–200 , 202See also post-prison release (ex-offenders); prisons; War on Drugs and the criminal justice systemMassey, Douglas, 124Matsuda, Mari, 246Mauer, Marc, 8–9 , 43 , 230McCaffrey, Barry, 100McClesky, Warren, 109–12McClesky v. Kemp, 109–14, 194305McCormick Institute of Public Affairs, 147McKnight, Gerald, 39McLaurin v. Oklahoma (1950), 36McNair, Murray, 150–51media coveragecrack cocaine stories, 5, 50, 52–53, 105–6, 263n2imagery of black drug users/drug criminals, 105–6and “Jena 6,” 221–22and Obama’s campaign speech on fatherhood and personal responsibility, 178–80Reagan administration and War onDrugs,  5 ,  50 ,  52–53 ,  104–5Miami Herald, 75Military Cooperation with LawEnforcement Act (1981),  77military policing and War on Drugs, 74–78 , 124–25 , 253Miller, Jerome, 105Miller El v. Cockrell, 120–21The Miner’s Canary (Torres and Guinier), 249–50minstrel shows, 173–75Montgomery, Isaiah T., 211Montgomery Bus Boycott, 227moral uplift ideology and black reformers, 214–17moratorium campaign (closing prisons), 8–9 , 230Morgan, Edmund, 24Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD), 206Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 45Munnerlynn, William, 81Musto, David, 207Myrdal, Gunnar, 36NAACPlegal challenges to Jim Crow, 36Web site, 11NAACP Legal Defense Fund, 10 , 85 , 110 , 225National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals, 1973 recommendations, 8National Center for Institutions and Alternatives, 105National Colored Convention (1853), 140National Employment Law Project (NELP), 153National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, 99National Institute on Drug Abuse, 50 , 99National Journal, 74National Legal Aid & Defender Association, 86National Security Decision Directive (Reagan administration), 77Neal v. Delaware, 120New Deal, 44 , 213–14New York Police Department (NYPD)marijuana arrests, 136racial profiling and traffic stops/ pedestrian stops, 134–36Street Crime Unit, 135SWAT-team drug raids, 75–76New York Times, 74, 135, 151, 156, 253, 263n2Newsweek, 52Nicaragua, 6Nietzsche, Friedrich, 106, 278n42Nilsen, Eva, 78, 80Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, 80 , 146Nixon, Richard, 41 , 44–45 , 46–47 , 48Nunn, Dorsey, 162Obama, Barack, 2–3 , 14 , 84 , 251–55and black exceptionalism, 14 , 247–48and Byrne grant program, 84 , 253campaign speech on fatherhood and personal responsibility, 178–80and crack sentencing, 139, 282n119and death penalty, 252military policing and War on Drugs, 253presidency and racial justice advocacy, 2–3 , 251–55and War on Drugs, 84 , 251–55on white guilt and history of racial discrimination, 238306O’Connor, Justice Sandra Day, 90–91Ohio v. Robinette, 68Omi, Michael, 234–35″One Strike and You’re Out” legislation, 57 , 145open-air drug markets, 125–26Operation Ceasefire, 237Operation Pipeline, 70–71 , 133Pager, Devah, 151paramilitary drug raids, 74–78 , 124–25 , 253Parchman, Farm, 32Parks, Rosa, 227paroleand homelessness, 148service fees, 155 , 156system, 94–95 , 101–2 , 155violations and rearrest, 94–95 , 156″passing,” 167–69pedestrian stops, 134–36Pentagon military resources and War on Drugs, 73–74 , 77Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (1996), 57PEW Charitable Trusts, 231Phillips, Kevin, 44–45Piven, Frances Fox, 38plea bargaining, 87–89 , 117Plessy v. Ferguson, 194″pluralistic ignorance,” 166Poitier, Sidney, 178police/police departments and drug-law enforcement, 61–84 , 104–9 , 123–37 , 232–33affirmative action and minority officers/police chiefs, 249–51consent searches, 64–67 , 68–69 , 138 , 185and drug forfeiture laws, 78–84and federal suits for damages, 129–30and financial incentives, 72–74 , 77–84 , 232–33 , 253and ghetto neighborhoods, 124–26 , 132lethal chokeholds, 128–30paramilitary drug raids and SWAT teams, 74–78 , 124–25 , 253police brutality, 251pretext stops, 66–69 , 70–72 , 80–81 , 138race as factor in decision making, 130–37racial profiling, 125 , 130–39searches and seizures and unreasonable suspicion, 63–64shakedowns and seizures, 80–84traffic stops, 64–69 , 70–72 , 108–9 , 130–37training programs, 70–72See also drug-law enforcement and racial discrimination; War on Drugs and the criminal justice systemThe Politics of Imprisonment (Barker), 42politics of respectability, 212–17 , 225–28Poor People’s Movement, 39–40 , 258–60Populist movement, 33–34Portugal, 51–52Posse Comitatus Act, 77post-arrest legal services, 84–86postconviction fees, 154–57 , 187 , 193″poverty penalties,” 155and preconviction service fees, 155and probation revocations, 155–56post–prison release (ex-offenders), 4 , 93–96 , 140–77 , 186–87 , 188–90Chicago, 188–90 , 196and education, 190and “gangsta culture,” 169–72homelessness, 147–48ineligibility for federally funded public assistance, 57 , 157–58jury exclusion, 121, 141, 194, 283n2postconviction fees, 187, 193postconviction fees and debts, 154–57public housing/public assistance, 53 , 57 , 144–48 , 157–58 , 190rearrest rates, 94–95re-entry programs, 90 , 186–87 , 195–97 , 233307the shame and stigma of criminality,93–96 , 141 , 161–72 , 175–77 , 197–200voting rights/felony disenfranchisement, 1 , 142 , 158–61 , 192–93work/employment, 148–54 , 189–90Powell, Colin, 247powell, john a., 219presidential electionsand disenfranchisement of ex-felons, 160 , 161exploiting fears of black crime, 42and law and order rhetoric, 46–47pretext stops, 66–69 , 70–72 , 80–81 , 138prisonsadmissions for drug offenses, 60, 98–102, 104, 118, 189, 196, 277n32closing, 8–9 , 230–32construction of, 57 , 60 , 193 , 195corporate and private profiteers, 230–32inmates’ work in, 157private, 230–31reallocation of public resources for, 57rearrest rates and parole and probation violations, 94–95and redistricting processes, 193and residential racial segregation, 195and violent crime (homicide) offenders, 101probationservice fees, 155–56system, 94–95 , 101–2 , 155–56violations and rearrest, 94–95 , 155–56prosecutorial discretioncrack cocaine cases, 114–19and drug-law enforcement, 87–89 , 114–23and jury selection, 119–23and racial bias, 114–19public assistance, 53 , 57 , 144–48 , 157–58 , 190public defender system, 84–86public housing agencies, 53 , 57 , 144–48 , 190Purkett v. Elm, 122–23Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act (1998), 145racial caste system in the U.S., 2–15 , 20–58 , 211–20black codes and vagrancy laws, 28–29black elites and New Deal-era reformers, 213–14and Civil Rights Movement, 37–43and collective denial, 181–85 , 223–29and colorblindness, 2 , 14 , 25–26 , 48 , 100–101 , 183 , 204–5 , 236–44competing schools of thought on race, poverty, and social order, 45–47convict leasing and forced labor, 31–32end of Jim Crow system, 35–40flawed public consensus at heart of, 234–36and “get tough on crime” policies, 54–58 , 208–17and language of racial caste, 12–13law and order rhetoric, 40–43 , 42–43 , 46–47new, 2–15and philosophies of race relations, 32–34and political parties, 42–50 , 55and the politics of respectability and moral-uplift ideologies, 212–17 , 225–28poor and working class whites, 34–35 , 39 , 43–48 , 196 , 204–8 , 256–57and Populist movement, 33–34postemancipation period, 26–30 , 140–41Reconstruction Era, 29–35and Republican Party, 43–45 , 48–49 , 55308and slavery, 22–30, 140–41, 197Southern “Redemption” campaign, 30–33structural racism, 184–85systems of control/recurring periods of transition and uncertainty, 21–22 , 40See also drug-law enforcement and racial discrimination; mass incarceration and Jim Crow (parallels/differences); mass incarceration system; post-prison release (ex-offenders); War on DrugsRacial Formation in the United States (Omi and Winant), 234racial justice advocacy. See civil rights and racial justice advocacy, future ofRacial Justice Project of the ACLU, 3–4 , 9racial profilingand ghetto communities, 124–25 , 132litigation challenging, 137–39and minority police officers, 250and police decision making, 125 , 130–39studies of, 133–37and Title VI of 1964 Civil Rights Act, 137–38traffic stops/pedestrian stops, 130–37radical philosophy of race relations (Reconstruction era), 32–34rap music and hip-hop culture, 173–75Reagan, Ronald/Reagan administration, 47–54 , 77and conservative revolution in the Republican Party, 48and crack cocaine, 5 , 51–54 , 206financial incentives to law enforcement, 73 , 77legislation and drug policy, 53–54and military policing, 77racialized campaign rhetoric on crime and welfare, 48–49and War on Drugs, 5 , 49–54 , 73 , 77 , 104–5 , 206reality television shows, black-themed, 173Reconstruction Era, 29–35 , 211–12 , 235convict leasing and forced labor, 31–32federal civil rights legislation, 29–30philosophies of race relations, 32–34Populist movement, 33–34and racial segregation, 30Southern “Redemption” campaign,30–33voting rights, 29–30 , 211Washington–Du Bois debate about racial bias and discrimination, 211–12Recovery and Reinvestment Act (2009), 84 , 253Rector, Ricky Ray, 56″Redemption” campaign, 30–33redistricting and prison populations, 193Reeves, Jimmie, 105Reform Act (2000) (Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform), 81–83Reinarman, Craig, 53Republican Party, 43–50 , 55Rice, Condoleezza, 247Robert Taylor Homes (Chicago), 196Robinson, Jo Ann Gibson, 227Rockefeller drug laws, 42Roosevelt, Franklin D., 44 , 213Rucker, Perlie, 147Rucker v. Davis, 146–47Ruffin v. Commonwealth (Virginia), 31Runoalds, Clifford, 97–98Russell, Kathryn, 107San Francisco Ban the Box campaigns, 152San Jose Mercury News, 117Schmidt, Benno, 120Schneckloth v. Bustamonte, 66Schwarzer, William W., 93Scott, Donald, 81search and seizure, 61–69 , 108–9 , 138 , 185Seattle Police Department, 126–27 , 128–29309segregation, racial, 195–97, 241–42and ghetto communities, 124–26 , 195–97and prisons, 195Reconstruction Era, 30 , 211–12and re-entry of ex-felons, 195–97residential segregation, 195–97sentencingand crack cocaine, 53–54, 90, 92, 93, 112–14, 139, 282n119and juveniles, 118and mandatory minimums, 14, 53–54, 87–93, 139, 239, 282n119and plea bargaining, 87–89reform efforts, 14, 139, 233, 239, 282n119Rockefeller drug laws, 42Supreme Court rulings and racially discriminatory sentencing, 90–92, 109–14, 139, 279n52, 279n56Sentencing Project, 8 , 43 , 56Sharpton, Al, 221Shelby, Tommie, 217″shooter bias,” 107Sider, Gerald, 168Siegel, Reva, 21slavery, 22–30birth of, 22–26and disenfranchisement of black voters, 193 , 211former slaves and convict leasing, 156–57former slaves’ disagreements about voting rights, 211and history of race discrimination in jury selection, 119–20and notion of white supremacy, 25 , 26and plantation labor, 23–25and poor whites, 25postemancipation period, 26–30 , 140–41 , 211and role of racial hostility/racial indifference, 203–4and symbolic production of race, 197and U.S. Constitution, 25–26Slavery by Another Name (Blackmon), 31Smith, Mary Louise, 227Smith v. Allwright (1944), 36Souter, Justice David H., 91Southern Center for Human Rights, 85″Southern Manifesto,” 37Southern Strategy, 44–45Spruill, Alberta, 75–76States of Denial (Cohen), 182Steinberg, Stephen, 246Stevens, Justice John Paul, 62Stewart, Emma Faye, 97stigma of criminality, 93–96 , 141 , 161–72 , 175–77 , 197–200 , 202and black youth, 162–65 , 190 , 199–200coping strategies and lying, 167–69 , 198and families of prisoners/ex-felons, 166–69 , 198 , 237and “gangsta culture,” 169–72self-hate in the black community, 168shame and silence, 164–67and symbolic production of race, 197–200stop-and-frisk tactics, 63 , 77 , 124 , 132 , 134–36 , 251The Strange Career of Jim Crow (Woodward), 27Stratford High School (Goose Creek, South Carolina), 76structural racism, 184–85Stutman, Robert, 52Supreme Court rulingscrack cases and discriminatory sentencing, 112–14 , 139death penalty decisions, 252and “drug-courier profiles,” 72drug-law enforcement and claims of racial bias, 108–19 , 128–31 , 137–39 , 194and end of Jim Crow system, 36 , 235Fourth Amendment decisions, 61–69 , 108–9jury selection, 119–23and majoritarian political process, 108, 279n52310and mandatory sentencing laws, 90–92, 93police searches and seizures, 61–69 , 108–9police traffic stops, 63–64 , 130–31police use of lethal chokeholds, 128–29and post-arrest legal representation, 85 , 86and prosecutorial discretion in drug-law enforcement, 114–23and public housing, 147race as factor in police decision making, 130–31and racial profiling, 137–39and racially discriminatory sentencing, 90–92, 109–14, 139, 279n52, 279n56See also names of individual casesSwain v. Alabama, 119Swank, Eric, 23SWAT (Special Weapons and Tactics) teams, 74–78 , 124–25Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), 57 , 157–58Terry v. Ohio, 63–64Thinking About Crime (Tonry), 7Thirteenth Amendment, 29 , 31Thomas, James, 86″three strikes” laws, 56 , 87–88 , 91Time magazine, 52, 179Title VI of the Civil Rights Act (1964), 137–38Title VII of the Civil Rights Act (1964), 153Tonry, Michael, 7Torres, Gerald, 249–50 , 254traffic stops, 64–72 , 108–9 , 130–37and broad discretion for police, 62 , 108–9consent searches, 64–67 , 68–69 , 138 , 185drug forfeiture laws and seizures, 80–81and “drug-courier profiles,” 71–72and Fourth Amendment, 62 , 67–68 , 108–9and police training programs, 70–72pretext stops, 66–69 , 70–72 , 80–81 , 138Travis, Jeremy, 142 , 186Tulia drug sting operation (1999), 10unemployment, 41 , 50–51 , 152 , 218 , 228–29United Nations Human Rights Committee, 158United States v. Brignoni-Ponce, 131United States v. Reese, 80Urban League report “The State of Black America” (1990), 6U.S. Sentencing Commission, 88USA Today, 86Vera Institute, 148The Village Voice, 76violent crime, 41 , 101 , 102 , 237voting rightsdisenfranchisement of ex-felons, 1 , 142 , 158–61 , 180 , 192–93European countries, 158–59and Fifteenth Amendment, 29–30 , 180 , 192 , 201Jim Crow era disenfranchisement, 1 , 160 , 192–93 , 201Reconstruction Era, 29–30 , 192–93 , 211restoration processes for ex-felons, 159Voting Rights Act (1965), 29 , 38Wacquant, Loïc, 22 , 26 , 95 , 219Walker, Herman, 147Wallace, George, 42 , 46 , 183War on Drugs, 5–6 , 53–58 , 59–96 , 97–139 , 232–33George H.W. Bush administration, 54–55 , 77Clinton administration, 56–57 , 77 , 145 , 252–53conspiracy theories, 5–6and crack cocaine, 5–6 , 50 , 51–54 , 105311early resistance within law enforcement, 72–73ending, 232–33federal agencies’ antidrug funding, 49–50financial incentives to law enforcement, 72–74 , 77–84 , 232–33 , 253and genocide, 6 , 219and inner-city economic collapse, 50 , 218–19internalization of, 181media campaigns, 5 , 50 , 52–53 , 105–6myths of, 60Nixon and, 48Obama administration, 84 , 251–55and public housing assistance, 53 , 57 , 144–48 , 190Reagan administration, 5 , 49–54 , 73 , 77 , 104–5 , 206See also War on Drugs and the criminal justice systemWar on Drugs and the criminal justice system, 53–58 , 59–96 , 97–139 , 180–81arguments that race has always influenced the criminal justice system, 187–90and court system, 69–70 , 84–89and drug forfeiture laws, 78–84″drug-courier profiles,” 71–72financial incentives, 72–74 , 77–84 , 232–33 , 253and Fourth Amendment, 61–69 , 108–9guilty pleas/plea bargaining, 87–89 , 117legal services/legal representation, 84–86mandatory minimum sentencing, 14 , 53–54 , 87–93 , 139 , 239paramilitary raids and police SWAT teams, 74–78 , 124–25 , 253pretext stops, 66–69 , 70–72 , 80–81 , 138and racial discrimination, 105–8traffic stops, 64–72 , 80–81 , 108–9 , 138See also mass incarceration system; police/police departments and drug-law enforcement; post-prison release (ex-offenders)War on Poverty, 39 , 45Washington, Booker T., 210 , 211–12Washington Post, 53Watson, Tom, 33 , 34We Won’t Go Back (Matsuda and Lawrence), 246Weaver, Vesla, 43Weaver, Warren, 45Weinstein, Jack, 92″welfare queens,” 48welfare reform legislation, 56–57 , 145 , 157–58Western, Bruce, 228Western Area Narcotics Task Force (WANT), 81When Work Disappears (Wilson), 50″Where Have the Black Men Gone?” (2006 Ebonyarticle), 179–80White Citizens’ Councils, 37″white crime,” 198–99 , 207–8White House Office of National Drug Control, 100whitesand colorblindness, 100–101 , 238–39 , 248–49drug arrests/imprisonment, 98–99 , 117–18 , 189 , 196 , 207–8and drug-law enforcement, 207–8and drunk driving awareness campaigns, 207end of Jim Crow and Southern whites’ backlash, 36–37ex-offenders, 198illegal drug use, 7, 99–100, 197, 264nn10–11, 275–76n10, 276n11, 290n52poor and working-class, 34–35 , 39 , 43–48 , 196 , 256–57and racial privilege, 255 , 257–58and racial profiling in police traffic stops, 133–34 , 135312shift in racial attitudes/support for antidiscrimination principles, 100–101, 203victims of racial caste system, 204–8 , 255–58″white crime,” 198–99 , 207–8youth drug crimes/illegal drug use, 99, 118, 209, 264n11, 276n11Whren, Michael, 67Whren v. United States, 67–68, 108–9Why We Can’t Wait: Reversing the Retreat on Civil Rights (October 2007 conference), 10Wideman, John Edgar, 199 , 200Williams, John Bell, 41Wilson, William Julius, 34 , 50Winant, Howard, 234–35Winfrey, Oprah, 180Wolff, Paula, 196Womack, Willa, 161women, African Americanconflicted views about crime, 209–10and gender gap, 179–80and service-sector employment, 51Woodward, C. Vann, 27 , 33 , 34World War II, 36Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 116Young, Iris Marion, 184

Back To Top